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De l’autre côté du téléphone

Friday, I finished a four weeks to start working in a call center. Long training, from 4:00 p.m. to 0:00, paid at the minimum wage of course. Formation in which we were taught to say no to say no without client.e.s, without using negative, because tse, the client.e.s pay for their services, so it could offending to receive non. We were taught to give refunds to client.e.s who complain loud enough and offer nothing to too gentil.le.s client.e.s to request (kind of measure that is tenfold the amount of assholes who will feel legitimate to send file to phone). We were also hammered how the measures the employer has taken to screech to a large part of their travailleurs.euses outside were needed and had a really great idea that would have no impact on access to services (What a bunch of crap).

It was claqué.e.s all this in order to start taking calls. We will go twelve dollars an hour, increase from the formation I agree, but still a crappy salary. For forty hours per week, we will sit down at a computer and we will take calls, one after the other, without really having the right to take breaks between calls (the only breaks possible, every four hours, being calculated at the second), and we should not speak more than five minutes with each client.e. for the sake of productivity. During those forty hours, we're going to get yelled, we will be sending shit, because people pay and so they and have the right to do anything, to tell all. It is more of humain.e.s it is the company and it's ok to send a shit company.

But I digress from the main reason that prompted me to write this. We all and all the shit jobs anyway. So, Friday I finished my training. Sixteen other colleagues ended it with me. Four weeks, four tests to verify our ability to go for information in our forty twelve programs, all this fairly quickly because productivity and satisfaction of client.e.s. oblige. Oh and you have to take the tests 85% because errors are not really acceptable. During these four weeks, does not want, links have been established between the different-e-s-e-s participating because after all, colleagues, these are the people we see most in the week, more than blonde or boyfriend, more than ami.e.s, more than Mom or Dad. So we had decided to have a potluck that day, issue to celebrate the end of training. Each person had cooked a little something and many of my colleagues had decided to prepare a dish from their country of origin. The last of the tests took place shortly before the potluck. Two of my colleagues have not had the best grades (while being very acceptable), les boss ont donc décidé de les renvoyer sur le champ après quatre semaine de formation, et à deux jour de commencer à prendre des appels

La salle de formation est au sixième étage et la salle de dîner au septième : Une des deux est montée dans la salle de dîner pour ramasser les plats qu’elle avait préparés et repartir chez elle. Elle nous a expliqué la situation, a fondu en larmes et est partie, ayant trop honte pour rester avec nous. La seconde n’est jamais montée, ayant trop honte de se présenter devant des personnes qu’elle avait côtoyée durant un mois à raison de quarante heures par semaine. La pression qui nous était mise sur les épaules durant la formation était telle que deux personnes ont eues honte d’elles-mêmes après avoir coulé un test avec des attentes ridicules et franchement avec des questions beaucoup trop ambiguës.

here. Ce n’est pas clair pourquoi j’écris ce matin, avant de commencer ma première journée sur le plancher. Probablement pour ventiler. Peut-être aussi pour qu’on se rappelle que des patrons gentil.le.s qui viennent nous parler et qui nous montrent des petits tours de magies pour nous faire rire, ben ça reste des osties de patrons qui vont nous sacrer dehors pour un oui ou pour un non, qui vont nous traiter comme un ordinateur ou comme une machine à café. On reste de la totaly fucking fourniture de bureau

On va par contre s’en rappeler de tout ça. On va s’en rappeler et un jour, le rapport de force va changer et ce sont les patrons qu’on va traiter en chaises brisées et qu’on va crisser aux vidanges

Solidarity,

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suspension 2400 blue collar, the bias of the Labour Relations Commission

Yesterday morning, CBC announced that nearly 2400 blue-collar workers were suspended-e-s without pay for participating in a general meeting last week.

Recall that the 8 December, the call of their union, les cols bleus se sont réuni-e-s en assemblée générale afin de discuter des revendications qui seront à venir lors de la reprise des négociations entourant leur régime de retraite en janvier 2016, soit dans quelques semaines à peine. Les négociations approchant à grand pas et la question étant des plus importantes pour nombre de travailleurs et de travailleuses, ceux et celles du quart de jour décidèrent, à leurs frais, de s’absenter un peu moins de deux heures du travail, afin de pouvoir participer à la dite assemblée générale. En tout et pour tout, Those are 4000 travailleurs et travailleuses qui se réunirent au Palais des Congrès, une mobilisation à laquelle les centrales ne nous avaient pas habituée!

cbbleu

« Le Code du travail qui encadre et limite le droit de grève au Québec est extrêmement stricte (…) la priorité est de conserver la paix social.»

La ville avait été prévenue et aurait pu modifier le travail à faire en conséquent, mais cette dernière préféra lancer tout de suite une offensive contre la partie syndicale. The Labor code qui encadre et limite le droit de grève au Québec est extrêmement strict, et son objectif est simple et assumé, en dépit du droit de négociation et de la qualité de vie et de travail des salarié.es, la priorité est de conserver la paix sociale.

La « grève », que la loi reconnaît comme une forme quelconque d’interruption ou de ralentissement du travail ne peut être exercée si cela ne fait pas déjà 90 jours que les négociations ont commencé et que la convention collective est échue. L’arrêt de travail des cols bleus pour participer à leur assemblée générale fut donc compris comme une grève illégale par la Commission des relations du travail. Ce que cela signifie, c’est que les syndiqué.es s’exposent à des amendes de 25 $ at 100 $ per day, pour les officier.ères, il s’agit d’amende de 1000 $ and 10 000 $, et pour les syndicats, il est possible de monter jusqu’à 50 000 $ per day. Or, si les chiffres ne sont pas encore sortis, ce matin nous assistions à la suspension sans solde de 2400 membres du syndicat qui pourraient, en plus des amendes, se voir accusé.es d’outrage au tribunal.

Ce que l’exemple des cols bleus et de leur assemblée générale nous démontre, c’est qu’il est aujourd’hui impossible pour un syndicat légaliste de commencer à mobiliser ses membres, de les amener à réfléchir aux enjeux qui les concernent et aux stratégies qu’ils et elles devront mettre de l’avant. Pendant que le maire et ses conseillés -et de manière plus général le patronat- peuvent prendre tout le temps qu’ils veulent sur des heures de travail payées, à même les impôts de la classe des salarié.es, les travailleurs et travailleuses doivent attendre trois mois après le début des négociations pour entrer en action. C’est dire que jouer selon les règles du jeu, c’est commencer la partie avec trois mois de retard sur son adversaire. Adversaire qui, rappelons-le, pourra encore modifier les règles si cela lui chante.

Si seule l’avenir pourra nous dire jusqu’où ils et elles seront prêt.es à aller, la détermination des cols bleus à combattre en dépit des risques légales est à saluer chaudement. Alors que de plus en plus de gens se disent déçus du syndicalisme d’aujourd’hui, alors que de plus en plus de travailleurs et travailleuses se tournent vers des voies alternatives au cul-de-sac que représente le Code du Travail et que de nombreux syndicats vantent encore comme la crème de la crème des victoires obtenues par le mouvement ouvrier, nous ne pouvons qu’applaudir cette volonté des cols bleus de « retourner aux bonnes vieilles méthodes », soit à l’action directe et au débrayage illégale.

Quand l’injustice devient la loi, la résistance est un devoir.

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100th commemoration of the assassination of Joe Hill

The 19 November we commemorate the execution of Joe Hill, revolutionary activist, poet, songwriter, designer and wobbly frontline and early hours.

Joel Emma12244032_1940690409488398_764441386_nnuel Hägglund, said Joe Hill, born in Sweden on 7 October 1879. Dreaming of a better life, he joined the tens, even hundreds of thousands of immigrant-e-s European-do-s, mainly of Jewish origin, German, italone, Russian and Greek, who decided to leave the old continent to reach North America in the midst of the Industrial Revolution. Just like these, his dreams were faced with the harsh reality of the work day of 13 hours, the week of 6 days, the scam and theft of legal corporate wages and the racism of many Americans. Faced with this wage slavery, he chooses the life of "hobo", either work when necessary and enjoy life's little pleasures as much as possible, without worrying too much about tomorrow. Read more

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Solidarity and Immigration : a tract against Islamophobia

To read this article in English, click here.

To download pdf, click here.

Note: Les views expressed in this article are those of the author-e and should not be considered as official statements of the IWW-SITT.

In these times strongly influenced by the austerity measures around the world, many find themselves in precarious situations whose gravity reminds us that of the Second World War. As was the case at this event and as is the case of major devastating events, we stick together and do our best to show our solidarity with our brothers and sisters of different backgrounds. So why are we not in solidarity with the e-s-refugee Syria ?

Whether Muslim-e-s, of Christian do-s, atheists, these people are first and foremost human beings and it is our duty to help them in their struggle for democracy and better living conditions. Spread the word, as Quebeckers, we are first and foremost everyone of immigrant-e-s. There he really such a difference between coming there to this 400 years or just a few days ? Read more

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statement of solidarity with the Quebec student strike!


Members of the Industrial Union of Workers (SITT-IWW) across Canada stand in solidarity with all students and workers in Quebec who bravely oppose rising tuition fees, this capitalist offensive against the working class supported by the government in the age of austerity.

By blocking courses and going down often, and sometimes hundreds of thousands, in the streets, the people who are mobilizing in the fight alongside the members of our union who are actively involved show the rest of Canada that direct action can really bear fruit.

SITT claims at the same time that the police stop attacking the independent media in Quebec, particularly Concordia University TV (CUTV). Their work of live video transmission is essential to the democratic changes we encourage.

SITT also calls for provincial government to repeal special law 78 which suspends freedom of expression, freedom of assembly and the right of those who struggle to defend their choices in relation to the future that education in Quebec should have. Government must hear, recognize and respond to the movement's claims, not legislate repressively to end the conflict and restore “social peace” by force.

The Canadian Committee for Regional Organization of SITT (CCOR) encourages members and local branches to donate to student associations, including the Association for Student Union Solidarity (ASSÉ), and independent media, dont CUTV. CORR also invites them to join as much as possible those who defend the picket lines and who mobilize in the streets in solidarity with this fight for the right to education and freedom.

Ultimately, students jointly with workers and professors are building a powerful movement of solidarity that will mark Quebec. This strong union allows us to hope that one day the education system can be controlled by those who work there., study and teach there with the aim of universally promoting social and human development rather than enslaving it to a sinister logic of monetary return which benefits insatiable banks and capitalists of all kinds.

If you are interested(e) by what you read, contact us. It doesn't commit you to anything, and be sure(e) that we don't talk about it or your colleagues, nor to your patron. If you decide to unionize, we will be there to help you.

To join a(e) delegate(e):

*Montréal
514-268-3394

*Sherbrooke
819-349-9914

*Everywhere in Quebec
[email protected]

* Ottawa-Outaouais
[email protected]

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The IWW claims the release of Laura Gomez of CGT and denounced the repressive aspect of his arrest

The international solidarity commission of the IWW denounces the arrest of the secretary of the CGT-Barcelona, Laura Gomez and supports the international solidarity campaign which aims to have her released. The commission recognizes the anti-union and repressive character of this government maneuver.

The International Solidarity Commission of the Industrial Workers of the World condemns the actions taken by the Mossos d’Esquadra, Catalonia police. Laura Gómez, the General Secretary of CGT-Barcelona was arrested by the Mossos d’Esquadra for trumped up charges that have no basis in fact. It is obvious that this is nothing more than an act of repression and intimidation in response to the growing workers’ mobilizations in Spain.
We demand the immediate release of Laura Gómez and the withdrawal of all charges.

We are in solidarity with, and commend, the CGT-Barcelona, Laura Gómez, and the rest of Spain’s working class for their ongoing struggle against police repression and labour injustice.

Solidarity Forever,
International Solidarity Commission
Industrial Workers of the World

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The repression continues after the Spanish general strike

On the morning of April 26th, the Catalonian police arrested the Organization Secretary of the CGT-Barcelona, Laura Gómez, while she was on her way to work. They do not like the fact that every time there are more and more of us protesting against the negotiation of labour reform, against the “social pact” and not in favor of it.
taken from anarkismo.net

CGT statement on the arrest of Barcelona Organization Secretary, Laura Gómez

The repression continues after the general strike. This morning [Wednesday April 26th], while she was on her way to work, the Mossos d'Esquadra [Catalonian police] arrested the Organization Secretary of the CGT-Barcelona, Laura Gómez and took her to the police station in Les Corts. The charge by the police is arson and fire damage to the Barcelona Stock Exchange. This and other charges against her have no foundation and are an attempt to create an image of a violent person. Laura does not have a criminal record, and all that the police can cite are peaceful actions during the struggle for labour rights in Barcelona.

The truth – without exaggerating – is that already after the general strike we said, literally, “it is true that members of the CGT burned a couple of papers in a box in front of the Barcelona Stock Exchange, and threw a few eggs, actions that were fully symbolic and carried out openly. That is what the plainclothes police in the crowd must have thought too, given that they did not bother to identify anyone. It is by no means true that it was the first fire, in Mercabarna, in the Zona Franca, etc., there were several fires throughout the night, most of which were started by other unions’ pickets”.

What a coincidence that this arrest occurs on the same day that the famous site for posting photos of “violent” protestors was presented. What a coincidence that the various state establishments, both the Generalitat and the Barcelona Municipality have not stopped pointing at the CGT and have not stopped exaggerating with regard to the CGT. We know that we are not to your liking, nor do we want to be, but we will not apologize for our continued growth. We know you want to make an example of individuals and organizations that refuse to humour the system, but to go from that to persecuting and harassing our members is a big step. The abuse of power that those in authority often fall into against those who think differently is something that we are used to, though great care is taken to hide it.

The CGT believes that there is an attempt to hide the growing number of people attending events by organizations that are not to your liking. They do not like the fact that every time there are more and more of us, protesting against the negotiation of labour reform and against the “social pact”, not for it. The decline in work and social conditions, the increase in injustice, the enormous differences between the rich and poor, all this has without doubt led to greater conflict and now the politicians are looking for excuses to toughen crime laws. It is sickening to see how public money is given to banks, how de facto “tax amnesties” are announced to the benefit of major tax evaders, how permissive the system is in order to allow tax evasion by means of sly practices and economic bureaucracy, how SICAVs [1] which pay nothing are encouraged, while all the while they are seeking to criminalize anyone who disagrees.
Press Office
CGT Barcelona

Translation by FdCA-International Relations Office.

1. Open-ended investment schemes or mutual funds. In Spain they pay 1% corporate tax.

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online Audio: Worker Self-­Management in Comparative Historical Perspective

"New Voices in Labour Studies" took place in Montreal for its 2012 edition. All English and French presentations of that two days of critical presentations and discussions are available for listening online. "Worker Self‐Management in Comparative Historical Perspective" by Kritin Plys from Yale University opens reflexion on common and different historical aspects of last decades' experiences of workers taking over factories in countries all around the world.


New Voices in Labour Studies is a very interesting event that provides a forum for new critical labour scholars. Everyone has now the chance to listen online to what has been said and to the discussions that followed!

On the second day of this bilingual two days of discussion and talks, Kristin Plys from Yale University Sociological Department talked about Worker Self‐Management in Comparative Historical Perspective. There’s an abstract down here that summarizes what you’ll listen.

Since us wobblies aim at building a society where workers have taken over the means of production and run them with direct control, this conference is a very good perspective on recent cases where workers made first steps of that ambitious project.

This study could for sure help us to know more how we can achieve that ultimate goal, if we can bring an industrial unionism perspective and how we can prepare ourselves to fight against cooptation and/or repression by capitalist and socialist states. If you want to share what you think about it, write it in the comment section!

Listen to Worker Self‐Management in Comparative Historical Perspective conference online here!

(it starts after 45 seconds of a quick presentation in French)

Question period that follows also concerns other presentations that took place in the same block

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Abstract
In 2001, with the financial collapse of the Argentine economy, worker self-­‐management was seen as a strategy to keep jobs and maintain wages in the midst of a financial downturn. Worker self-­‐management spread across South America involving 30,000 workers, and in Venezuela alone, 1200 workplaces. Worker self-­‐management succeeded in providing higher wages for workers and higher profits for firms, but these enterprises were forcibly privatized by the state.

Worker self-­‐management is not historically unique. Throughout the 20th century there is evidence of worker self-­‐management across the world. In most of these cases, worker self-­‐management is profitable and provides good wages, but in every instance, workplaces are nationalized or privatized.

The scholarship on worker self-­‐management typically addresses a single case, and therefore, fails to capture the whole picture over geographic space and historical time. To understand the outcomes of worker self-­‐management, we need to look at worker self-­‐management in comparative historical perspective. By comparing 20 cases of worker self-­‐management, I examine the mechanism behind its termination in the periphery and semi-­‐periphery, where worker self-­‐management has its greatest positive impact and greatest structural constraints.

In both market and socialist economies worker self-­‐managed firms were either privatized or nationalized. Worker self-­‐management ends, I argue, because it conflicts with the role of state and therefore is perceived as a threat to political power.

I examine the reasons for state intervention in each case and find three reasons for the state termination of worker self-­‐management:

1) to control labor,
2) to appease capital,
3) threat of financial failure.

I conclude that worker self-­‐management provides important insights about the capitalist state in the global south and it relationship to labor.