S’organiser, then fight

As everyone knows, G7 was held this year at home, in Quebec. This grotesque "Party of Bourges", at 600 Pigés million of public funds, was that our elites can conspire in peace as THEIR interests (which are contrary to ours). As one of the supreme Western symbols of their contempt for us, no it was not surprised that some e-left launches his attack and tries to disrupt as much as possible.

The response of the state to this "assault" was lightning : Near 8000 police deployed, helicopters flying over the city of Quebec, submarines deployed in the river, the reinforcement army, erected temporary prisons, a zone of lawlessness where police making arrests and illegal searches, all preceded by a long campaign of fear to deter anyone from coming oppose (even peacefully) G7 and legitimize all the repression that would take place during this weekend.

Some people (including myself) it is still presented by principle, but what actually win they had hoped to get a heavy state's power demonstration? Any, except that to draw this lesson: we can not currently change things by taking the street. This fad that some, and some of us have to believe that we can get to get anything manifesting in the current conditions (that is to say, too few) must stop. The finding is that we're at the stage where we must devote energy to expand our ranks and organize ourselves!

This text will therefore aim to put the agenda some organizational bases, and more specifically the radical unions.


1. who join?

When we take the time to create genuine friendships with people around us, whether our family, our colleagues, members of our sports team, etc., it quickly becomes clear that the vast majority of workers and oppressed people in other ways (patriarchy, racism, etc) suffer and are fully aware. They and they do not always understand how these systems consist of oppression, let alone how to fight against and what could be a society rid of them, but however and they know that they and are affected by-es of injustices.

To this question of "who joined", I would say so : virtually any person undergoing some form of oppression can be reached with respect thereto. Needless, so, to focus only on people who are "already left". On the contrary, preach to the converted es prevents us from developing our influence.


2. Reaching?

The ideals of social justice are charming and are targets for people who suffer injustice, It goes without saying. However, for most people, these ideals are so distant that it is virtually impossible to consider them reach one day and it seems more practical to devote their energy to solve problems that can be set now. The good thing, is that these two thoughts are not contradictory since it is actually winning small battles, one by one, that ends up winning bigger and that will eventually win it all.

Based on this idea, the best way to reach people who already so do not advocate is to sincerely discuss with them and them things that bother them today and to work with them and them so that these situations change. Needless, even against immensely productive, start talking about ideals socialist-libertarian.

However, it remains imperative to always keep backstory that all our struggles will only be palliative as long as we do not win "the" great victory; this is what we will push people mobilizing to understand that we must always continue, and many identify what concessions should not do and in what political traps must not fall.


3. What actions to take to make a difference?

If the student strike 2012 we learned something when compared with a strike of the public transport sector, for example, is a mass of people taking the streets, even very large, and even an extended time period, unfortunately has very little disruption of power compared to a mass of workers who decide to go on strike in a key sector of the economy (and that it have the support or not the rest of the population!). The immediate gains, like those long-term, existent, but remain limited.

Another thing social struggles we learn quickly when attention here (and that brings us back to the previous point) is that it is much easier to concentrate our efforts to campaign with people around us against a "small form of power" (for example, the boss of our work mileu or local administration of our school) than trying to rally the entire population to rise up through a call to solidarity which it would respond with a fantastical and illusory revolutionary spirit.

The day that most of us have struggled es, won-es, and have acquired es collective class consciousness, we can dream and even carry out such acts! But that day is NOT today. Today, if we go out of our militant circles already convinced and will really organize the fight, we know that we are still in the stages :

⁃ Carry out to those around us what really involve the injustices they and they undergo daily.

⁃ Make them realize that and have a real power to change the injustices they and they are direct victims daily.

The ⁃ engage in these struggles, forming at the same time understanding of organized left (democracy, procedural codes, committees, principle of non-mixed, etc.) and enabling them to become both leftists and "get Empowerer".



The transition to tomorrow's society is a process that will be phased. Although they do not will operate one at a time (one can very well do both syndicalism and revolutionary events of May 1, for example), it is still important to understand where we are and invest our energy in the right places avoiding fantasizing about a sudden revolutionary upsurge, or the state yield anything facing 200 protesters enraged and es demonstrators take to the streets.

If we really want to move forward, start with the basics and follow the process steps. Organizing first, then fight!


Max K.


(Writing this text is gendered bit for easier reading, and only for this reason. Thank you for taking notes)

The origins of the Solidarity Unionism. First part: a Bibliography


The Solidarity trade union movement is a term that was mainly led by Alice Lynd Staughon, inspired by the organizational model of the first campaigns of the IWW happened to get gains without legal bargaining unit or even without being recognized by the employer (collective agreements are not legally binding in the United States since the signing of the National Labor Relations Act in 1935, the Canadian equivalent could be the application of the Rand formula dating 1946). If the principle was also inspired by the work of Martin Glaberman, C.L.R. James et Stan Weird, the use of the Solidarity Unionism as understood today SITT-IWW appears for the first time in June 2002 in an article in The Nation magazine called Open Source Unionism: A proposal to American Labor, Joel Rogers and Richard B. Freeman.

The idea was then developed largely by the efforts of Alexis Buss, who served as General Secretary-Treasurer of the Industrial Union of Workers (SITT-IWW) from 2000 at 2005. It is in giving him the name of minority unionism, he explained the concept in a column published by the industrial worker called Minority Report.

Francophone literature is still thin on the subject, but for those of you with the chance to understand English, various books published, inter alia, by Charles H. Kerr Company and Labor Notes are still considered key works. The Headquarters of the ISTC-IWW listed in 9 among the most important:

  1. Punching Out & Other Writings – Martin Glaberman; edited by Staughton Lynd; Charles Kerr, 2002. 250 pages. 
  2. The New Rank & File -Édité par Staughton Lynd and Alice Lynd, ilr Press, © 2000. 288 pages.
  3. Solidarity Unionism: Rebuilding the Labor Movement from Below – Staughton Lynd; Charles Kerr, 1993. 128 pages.
  4. Democracy is Power: Rebuilding Unions from the Bottom Up – Mike Parker et Martha Gruelle, Labor Notes, © 1999. 262 pages.
  5. Class War Lessons; From Direct Action on the Job to the ’46 Oakland General Strike (Unions With Leaders Who Stay on the Job) – Stan Weir; Insane Dialectical Editions, 2006. 48 pages. 
  6. Singlejack Solidarity – Stan Weir; University of Minnesota, © 2004. 408 pages. 
  7. A Troublemaker’s Handbook, How to Fight Back Where You Work–And Win! – Edited by Dan LaBotz, Labor Notes, 1991. 262 pages. 
  8. A Troublemaker’s Handbook 2, How To Fight Back Where You Work and Win! — Edited by Jane Slaughter, Labor Notes, 2004. 372 pages. 
  9. The Politics of Nonviolent Action – Gene Sharp, by Gene Sharp, Porter Sarg. © 1973. 913 pages.

Unshaken by the union election presqu'ex aequo, the union Jimmy John's vows to continue the fight.

Picket outside a branch of the franchise's étatsunienne JimmyJohn

The workers-workers denounce the widespread illegal activities of the company.

MINNEAPOLIS, E.-U. - The workers-workers 10 franchised restaurants Jimmy John’s Minneapolis crying foul after a questionable union certification election marred presqu'ex aequo behavior from the owner of the company Miklin. 85 proletarians have voted in favor of unionization and 87 against, with two unknown contested ballots. According to the National Labor Relations Act, Equality is the employer.

The workers-workers realized several clear evidence of violation of the law of the National Labor Relations Act and before election day. These violations include bribes attempts at worker-workers, ask-ed employees to wear anti-union pins, massive layoffs threats, and targeted layoffs to break the union. The company is currently accused of Miklin 22 alleged violations of the National Labor Relations Act.

“We are extremely disappointed with the conduct of the company in this matter; rather than simply letting us vote, Management has chosen to break the law repeatedly over the last six weeks. They spent more than 84 500 $ on a country anti-union vicious denigration, it's over 1000 $ vote for "no". We do not recognize the election results as legitimate and will continue to fight for our demands “, to déclaré Erik Forman, a worker Jimmy John’s and union member.

Ayo Collins, a delivery man, said the union "did not put all your eggs in one basket" and still has several courses of action before them. He said the union plans to launch a lawsuit against the company judicière about his misconduct short of the pre-election period.

“In a company with an employee working near 50% per month, a majority at a given time means a lot. We have a mandate, more than 85 concacrent of us in the pursuit of the struggle for decent wages, a consistent scheduling, sick days, and to respect and basic dignity that all workers-workers deserve. This is only the beginning of the fight “, Collins said.

The union workers-workers Jimmy John's, inclusive and all-ed employees of this company to national level, is the first fast food union in the country, and is affiliated with the Industrial Workers Union-Workers.

Having gained fame in recent years for organizing the workers cafes Starbucks, Industrial Workers Union-Workers is an international union founded a century ago for all working people.

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ITALY : The workers' struggle becomes spectacular

Une dépêche de DNDF

Des ouvriers de la multinationale étasunienne Alcoa ont occupé hier la piste de l’aéroport de Cagliari. D’autres occupent les toits de l’usine Fiat.

Sur la photo on peut voir des ouvrier d’Acoa sur la piste de l’aéroport de Cagliari, en Sardaigne. Certains portent des cagoules et un ouvrier menace de lancer une bouteille contenant un liquide inflammable contre un avion. La direction de la multinationale leur a fait savoir qu’elle cesserait toute activité dans un délais de six mois.

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Strong winds of change in Tehran

Article de Pierre Barbancey paru dans “L’Humanité” du 31 December 2009, intéressant même si certains éléments sont discutables comme le fait de parler de “jeunesse aisée” pour les premières manifestations de juin, ce qui est loin d’être une réalité, mais le fond de l’analyse n’en en pas moins valable :

Le président Mahmoud Ahmadinejad et le guide suprême Ali Khamenei sentent que la société est en train de basculer. 
Le refus de la corruption et de l’ordre moral islamique gagne toutes les couches de la population iranienne.

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First victory for the IWW Montreal

PiquetThe Montreal chapter of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW)recorded its first win against the boss Pizzédélic located on Notre Dame, in Old Montreal.

The Pizzédélic was recognized in the 1990s to be a little respectful workplace minimum labor standards, often paying its employees below the minimum wage, or refusing to pay the training of workers. It seems that their bad habits employers are not missing with the new millennium, since Pizzédélic in question systematically denies its employees to be paid overtime when they work more than 41 Maximum weekly hours defined as the law of labor standards.

Contacted by a worker of the place wanting to have his due, the IWW went to visit the restaurant for well let the boss he did not recover well.

About a dozen activists and activists came to a joyful noise inside the restaurant, and a picket line in front of the restaurant entrance. Several customers have chosen to turn back to show solidarity with our fellow cheated.

Using several delaying tactics to prevent our fellow have his due, among others by including two different employee numbers to prevent its accounting system to pay the additional rate, the boss even met its employees following the departure of our friend to try to make them sign a declaration in which they gave up in advance to get paid at the legal rate. Following our action, our comrade has been fully paid, and quickly.

Abuses of the kind are common in areas where the high turnover of labor prevent workers to organize themselves effectively against the bosses. Furthermore, in this time of economic crisis, it is clear that the working conditions and wages will suffer enormous pressure employers to be revised downwards, maintaining profit rates require a devaluation of the value of work.