What future for the Quebec labor movement?

A sociologist described in Frontenac Street the transformation of unionism in the last few decades in Quebec. He describes the transition from the Marxist offensives of the 1970s to the social democratic model(keynesien) opposed to neo-liberal economic measures. According to him, unionism today faces an impasse that also manifests itself in a disinterest of new generations of workers: “Witnesses to numerous strikes, the demands of which were unsuccessful and at the end of which the return to work was effected by concessions to the advantage of the employer, [young people] are less and less inclined to turn to unions.”

What future for unionism, for the labor movement in Quebec?

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The Quebec union movement has greatly contributed to the advancement of democracy in Quebec society. He is one of
of the main craftsmen of the Quiet Revolution, which introduced Quebec into the rank of advanced capitalist societies. After one
in-depth questioning of the capitalist system, in the early 1970, he proposes a socialist society project as so-
alternative to capitalism. He virulently denounces the domination of imperialism and the role of the Quebec state in capitalist exploitation in Quebec. It conveys a radical speech of Marxist inspiration.

This ideological and strategic offensive has raised many debates and made the trade union movement a key player in the
major issues that shape and animate Quebec society. He decides on all the stands, putting forward claims-
union and extra-union cations.

A little history
Many events will change the course of things and push the trade union movement to review its discourse and its strategies.
Towards the years 1970, the predominantly american world economy goes into crisis, mainly with the oil shock. Firstly, the major industrialized countries seek to counter the crisis with a policy of monetary austerity. This proved to be ineffective in countering inflation and the worsening of the unemployment problem.

The crisis persists until the early years 1980. Growth is at a critical point, the economy is bogged down in stagnation.
The Keynesian model is no longer able to continue to ensure full employment through state intervention in the social and
the economy. He goes into crisis. This paves the way for the establishment of neoliberal recipes, to balance the market by
outside of direct state intervention in the economy and the social. Neoliberalism is expressed as an exit strategy from
crisis. At the ideological level, the collapse of the soviet empire strengthens the domination of neoliberal doctrine, on the plans so much
ideological and political than economic.

These realities force the trade union movement to question its project of socialist society and the ideological discourse which underlies it..

He detaches himself from the classic ideals of Marxism and espouses those of social democracy.

This new pragmatic orientation – that she seems to be – poses risks to union offensive. Social democracy is inspired by Keynesianism in the development of its social project. Now, the triumph of neoliberalism places social democracy in an uncomfortable position. Social Democrats, unable to redefine their discourse and offer a counterpart to neoliberal policies, choose the defensive path. They cannot offer any response to the crisis. Several social democratic governments use neo recipes- liberal as a way out, while holding a defensive speech.

The union movement is also falling back on the defensive : defense and job protection, defense of the achievements of the Quiet Revolution, refusal to admit that its dismantling has started a long time ago and that it is drawing to a close. We only have to look at government health policies, educational, pensions and public services. The trade union movement, all
like the other members of the family of social democracy, finds it difficult to redefine his discourse and rethink the state.

This defensive retreat is reinforced by the perverse effects of the expansion of globalization on the labor market, Development
subcontracting in all sectors of the economy and work and the outsourcing of work to the countries of the South by the industrialists-
high-tech sorting.

Generational shock
Furthermore, union movement faces generational shock. Less than 40 years consider themselves victims of the effects of good
labor conditions negotiated by unions to benefit baby boomers, who continue to work in the highest paying and most secure jobs, pendant qu’une majorité d’entre eux occupent des emplois précaires.

Témoins de nombreuses grèves dont les revendications n’aboutissent pas à grand-chose et au terme desquelles le retour au tra-
vail s’effectue par des concessions à l’avantage de l’employeur, ils sont de moins en moins enclins à se tourner vers les syndicats. Ces considérations témoignent de l’affaiblissement du mouvement syndical.

For the time being, celui-ci cherche à se mobiliser contre la montée de la droite au Québec. Cette initiative ne doit pas reposer sur des mots
épars, des formules creuses mais être guidée par un nouveau discours assorti d’un projet de société à proposer comme contrepartie aux
politiques néolibérales. In addition, il doit inclure des paramètres visant la prise en charge des revendications spécifiques des jeunes et établir des stratégies claires pour les faire aboutir.

Jean-Claude Roc
Département de sociologie
Université d’Ottawa