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Call Forum 15-5-7

Industrial Union of Workers – IWW Montreal invites you to participate in a public forum addressing the struggle for a minimum wage 15$ /h, 5 week vacation and 7 paid sick days per year.

This will take place the 12 February 2016 the Popular Education Center in Little Burgundy and St. Henri, the 2515 Delisle, 18:00.

This forum will offer a panel where several people present different facets of this struggle, is the economic aspect, the experience of a worker at minimum wage, a feminist analysis and the experience of this struggle in the US. On the panel will be present-e-s :

minh Nguyen, researcher at IRIS
Morgane M-Parsons IWW Montreal
Daniel crawled the 15NOW (United States)
Jean-Pierre Center for Immigrant Workers-e-s (CTI)
Jacques Fontaine e-s-employed Union of the Old Port of Montreal
Kim Bouchard Action-Unemployment Movement

Following the panel, there will be a period of questions and interventions thirty minute. After a short break, group discussions will be held on the following themes :

Immigrant Workers-e-s
Women and Working Conditions
precarious workers
Housing and precarious work
Community and working conditions

This moment is an opportunity for everyone to propose actions to be taken in the coming months.

We are launching this campaign because the minimum working conditions do not allow us to live, barely survive. These claims are essential to any-worker or worker wanting a decent life, pay rent, be able to raise children and do not be caught-e by the throat as soon as unexpected happens.

If this does not solve the question of capitalist oppression on our lives, these claims will enable us, collectively, mobilize and get us the minimum that we must!

We would like to mention that this forum will be open to everyone.

“Because we are worth more than the minimum!”

Industrial Union of workers'.

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suspension 2400 blue collar, the bias of the Labour Relations Commission

Yesterday morning, CBC announced that nearly 2400 blue-collar workers were suspended-e-s without pay for participating in a general meeting last week.

Recall that the 8 December, the call of their union, les cols bleus se sont réuni-e-s en assemblée générale afin de discuter des revendications qui seront à venir lors de la reprise des négociations entourant leur régime de retraite en janvier 2016, soit dans quelques semaines à peine. Les négociations approchant à grand pas et la question étant des plus importantes pour nombre de travailleurs et de travailleuses, ceux et celles du quart de jour décidèrent, à leurs frais, de s’absenter un peu moins de deux heures du travail, afin de pouvoir participer à la dite assemblée générale. En tout et pour tout, Those are 4000 travailleurs et travailleuses qui se réunirent au Palais des Congrès, une mobilisation à laquelle les centrales ne nous avaient pas habituée!

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« Le Code du travail qui encadre et limite le droit de grève au Québec est extrêmement stricte (…) la priorité est de conserver la paix social.»

La ville avait été prévenue et aurait pu modifier le travail à faire en conséquent, mais cette dernière préféra lancer tout de suite une offensive contre la partie syndicale. The Labor code qui encadre et limite le droit de grève au Québec est extrêmement strict, et son objectif est simple et assumé, en dépit du droit de négociation et de la qualité de vie et de travail des salarié.es, la priorité est de conserver la paix sociale.

La « grève », que la loi reconnaît comme une forme quelconque d’interruption ou de ralentissement du travail ne peut être exercée si cela ne fait pas déjà 90 jours que les négociations ont commencé et que la convention collective est échue. L’arrêt de travail des cols bleus pour participer à leur assemblée générale fut donc compris comme une grève illégale par la Commission des relations du travail. Ce que cela signifie, c’est que les syndiqué.es s’exposent à des amendes de 25 $ at 100 $ per day, pour les officier.ères, il s’agit d’amende de 1000 $ and 10 000 $, et pour les syndicats, il est possible de monter jusqu’à 50 000 $ per day. Or, si les chiffres ne sont pas encore sortis, ce matin nous assistions à la suspension sans solde de 2400 membres du syndicat qui pourraient, en plus des amendes, se voir accusé.es d’outrage au tribunal.

Ce que l’exemple des cols bleus et de leur assemblée générale nous démontre, c’est qu’il est aujourd’hui impossible pour un syndicat légaliste de commencer à mobiliser ses membres, de les amener à réfléchir aux enjeux qui les concernent et aux stratégies qu’ils et elles devront mettre de l’avant. Pendant que le maire et ses conseillés -et de manière plus général le patronat- peuvent prendre tout le temps qu’ils veulent sur des heures de travail payées, à même les impôts de la classe des salarié.es, les travailleurs et travailleuses doivent attendre trois mois après le début des négociations pour entrer en action. C’est dire que jouer selon les règles du jeu, c’est commencer la partie avec trois mois de retard sur son adversaire. Adversaire qui, rappelons-le, pourra encore modifier les règles si cela lui chante.

Si seule l’avenir pourra nous dire jusqu’où ils et elles seront prêt.es à aller, la détermination des cols bleus à combattre en dépit des risques légales est à saluer chaudement. Alors que de plus en plus de gens se disent déçus du syndicalisme d’aujourd’hui, alors que de plus en plus de travailleurs et travailleuses se tournent vers des voies alternatives au cul-de-sac que représente le Code du Travail et que de nombreux syndicats vantent encore comme la crème de la crème des victoires obtenues par le mouvement ouvrier, nous ne pouvons qu’applaudir cette volonté des cols bleus de « retourner aux bonnes vieilles méthodes », soit à l’action directe et au débrayage illégale.

Quand l’injustice devient la loi, la résistance est un devoir.

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Portrait of the current situation.

From the post-war to the 70s, significant workers' struggles have helped advance the recognition and establishment of unions, through these legal gains, were able to win important victories for the working class as a whole, and not only to syndiqué.e.s.

These recognition and oversight mechanisms have contributed to the integration of unions into the broader political system, making them both dependent (what would happen to unions without the state guaranteed Rand formula?) and vulnerable (being registered, recognized and having representatives, any "rebel" union can face fierce reprisals).

In the era of neoliberalism, there is no longer an "easy" concession. We no longer imagine winning conditions, we hope to “lose less quickly” or, for the most optimistic, have a salary indexed to inflation. Take back a larger portion of what is stolen from us every minute? Don't think about it anymore.

At the slightest sign of agitation, it starts raining lawsuits or other legal attacks. Now, the syndicate, set in its convention, his accreditation, its institutionalization, growls, but don't move, or so little. No matter how much we wait 4 years, our strike becomes illegal : with a snap of a finger, a "special" law (as much as the specials 1 for 3$ 2 for 6$ you IGA) jumpscares, already ready, from the bottom of a drawer. We can respect the rules, they change according to the adversary, it feels like playing ball with a kid from 6 years who invent the rules as they go.

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Legend : Part of Calvinball in Calvin and Hobbes by Bill Watterson

How not to lose in advance? How to renew union practice?

If we want to avoid everyone "going back" to the next threat of special law, if we want to succeed in circumventing the injunctions which prevent us from going on strike as it should be and if we want to hope to have reparation for an injustice without having to pass 6 years in court, we will have to strike in parallel.

Our current premises can serve as good shields against the employers' offensive and take the blows but cannot effectively counterattack. We cannot simply try to “reform” our unions, or to elect a new, more combative executive, the problem is structural and deep. We have to "go out" and organize ourselves formally, beyond social media groups, between basic workers, in para-legal union bodies : structures, minimum contributions, democracy and accountability but no accreditation or legal existence. This is what we are already doing here, at SITT-IWW Montreal. We call these already unionized people who join us Dual-carders.

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Workers from different backgrounds come together in a new proceeding, to collectively take action against their respective bosses without being supervised this time by the usual legal measures.

By organizing by industry, outside of our traditional "official" unions, it is possible for us to go and fight where certain people can no longer or not and to form combative unions where it seemed impossible. We can help irregular and irregular workers respond to dirty exploitation situations and help isolated workers claim stolen wages.

See you so soon, we can do a lot without the usual barriers. We put it into practice at the MAPEI factory where outside workers erected a picket line while local union members were under injunction, at Canada Post with visits to employees during shifts that destabilized the process and motivated workers, with "claim your pay" when employees from other workplaces claim unpaid wages from employees , and many other times. This is what we call solidarity unionism.

However, if we want to hope to succeed in massively defying a special law we will have to be organized in much larger numbers than we currently are. You might as well start right away and take the initiative to organize caucuses in our businesses and workplaces or organize with those already struggling to lend a hand.

Remember that you are fighting more than your own fight. You are fighting for the entire working class and you must stand together -William Dudley “Big Bill” Haywood, to the striking mill workers in Lawrence, Massachusetts, 1912

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Only the rich will be immortal

Commentaires, analyses et compte-rendu sur le dossier du Courrier international :

This week, le nouveau numéro du journal français le Courrier international mettait à la a un numéro spécial sur les nouvelles technologies anti-âges qui font l’objet de recherche intensive de nos jours. En vedette, David Sinclair, professeur en biologie de l’université d’Harvard, qui affirme avoir mis au point un médicament capable d’inverser le vieillissement chez les souris. Ce procédé, s’il fonctionne sur l’humain, permettrait d’atteindre l’âge de 120 ans en bonne santé. Au-delà des promesses au lendemain qui chante, qui pourra se payer la pilule miracle? À l’heure où le Québec voit son système de santé public et gratuit être graduellement privatisé et que les coûts médicaments explosent, le marché de l’immortalité doit faire preuve d’une attention plus importante. Read more

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Social, Journal of Power Workers of Community Sector

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QU’EST CE QUE LA SOCIALE?
La Sociale est le nouveau journal d’organisation des travailleurs et des travailleuses du secteur communautaire, fruit d’une campagne de l’Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) from Montreal.
Nous cherchons à regrouper les gens qui travaillent dans l’ensemble du secteur communautaire dans le but de bâtir une solidarité syndicale présente dans l’ensemble du réseau ainsi qu’un rapport de force vis-à-vis des bâilleurs de fonds qui contrôlent, often, nos conditions de travail. Indeed, plusieurs travailleurs et travailleuses du milieu subissent du harcèlement psychologique au travail ou sont victimes de coordonnateurs et coordonnatrices qui contrôlent tout, surtout dans les petits organismes. D’autres groupes, souvent les plus gros, sont gérés carrément comme des entreprises privées à but lucratif et brassent beaucoup d’argent tout en donnant souvent, paradoxalement, de moins bonnes conditions de travail aux employé- e-s.
Il est important de s’organiser pour que les travailleuses et travailleurs du secteur soient bien traité-e-s par leur employeur
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Beer-union | The unions in the construction industry

Beer-Union IWW | Thursday 19 July

Discussion on union news in the construction industry
Perspectives of two CSN-construction activists

19h00 at the Café Touski work cooperative

2361 Ontario Street East

one minute walk west of Metro Frontenac

Register on the’facebook event!
Two activists involved in the CSN-construction of Montreal will discuss with us current issues in construction in Quebec.

It will be a fairly free discussion around a picnic table in the backyard if the weather is nice., inside if it gets wet. To note: according to the requirements of the Touski, you have to eat a meal to be able to drink beer.

The themes are likely to revolve around the question of union placement, differences between industrial or construction trades unions, on the results of the union membership votes that have just come out, on the method of voting for this vote, on the intervention of the FTQ in conflicts surrounding the law 33 abolishing union placement, the reasons that led a large number of people to vote for the Syndicat Québécois de la Construction rather than for the CSN-construction, etc…

Everyone is welcome!

Both construction workers and students.
Both neophytes of all stripes and seasoned activists.

Whether you are anarchists, marxist-leninists, nihilists, queers, reformists, feminists, left communists, or without political labels, you will all be welcomed!

www.touski.org
Café Touski is a self-managed work cooperative and neighborhood café, close to the Frontenac metro station.

sitt.iww.org
The IWW is a militant labor organization founded on the ideas of class struggle, solidarity, worker control, self-management, direct democracy and revolution.

The Montreal branch of this union founded in 1905 in Chicago, has existed for a few years in Montreal.

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VIDEO | That’s Our Power — Rank and File Organising

Strikes, workplace occupations, food banks, workers in Greece haven’t been paid for months, and are facing huge pay cuts. Some have gotten pay cheques of less than 10 €. We spoke to doctors, steel workers and journalists on strike and on the streets.
[http youtube://www.youtube.com/watch?v = 1g2WeWD16rQ&w=640&h=360]

Like http://fb.me/reelnews Follow @reelnewslondon http://t.co/Gnhpg6w6
Get the DVD: http://reelnews.co.uk/issue-32-june-2012/
UK screening tour: http://reelnews.co.uk/greece-our-present-is-your-future-dvd-and-uk-tour/

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Occupy Production – by Richard D. Wolff

Workers’ self-directed enterprises are a solution grounded in the histories of both capitalism and socialism. Establishing workers’ self-directed enterprises completes what past democratic revolutions began in moving societies beyond monarchies and autocracies. Democratizing production can finally take democracy beyond being merely an electoral ritual that facilitates rule by the 1% over the 99%. -RD Wolff


This article originally appeared in monthlyreview.org a while ago. It also appeared in the Occupy Harvard Crimson.

As the Occupy movement keeps developing, it seeks solutions for the economic and political dysfunctions it exposes and opposes. For many, the capitalist economic system itself is the basic problem. They want change to another system, but not to the traditional socialist alternative (e.g., USSR or China). That system too seems to require basic change.

The common solution these activists propose is to change both systems’ production arrangements from the ground up. Every enterprise should be democratized. Workers should occupy their enterprise by collectively functioning as its board of directors. That would abolish the capitalist exploitative system (employer versus employee) much as our historical predecessors abolished the parallel exploitative systems of slavery (master versus slave) and feudalism (lord versus serf).

In workers’ self-directed enterprises, those who do the work also design and direct it and dispose of its profits: no exploitation of workers by others. Workers participate equally in making all enterprise decisions. The old capitalist elite — the major corporate shareholders and the boards of directors they choose — would no longer decide what, how, and where to produce and how to use enterprise profits. Instead, workers — in partnership with residential communities interdependent with their enterprises — would make all those decisions democratically.

Only then could we avoid repeating yet again the capitalist cycle: (1) economic boom bursting into crisis, followed by (2) mass movements for social welfare reforms and economic regulations, followed by (3) capitalists using their profits to undo achieved reforms and regulations, followed by (1) again, the next capitalist boom, bust, and crisis. US capitalism since the crash of 1929 displays this 3-step cycle.

In democratized enterprises, the workers who most need and benefit from reforms would dispose of the profits of enterprise. No separate class of employers would exist and use enterprise profits to undo the reforms and regulations workers achieved. Quite the contrary, self-directing workers would pay taxes only if the state secures those reforms and regulations. Democratized enterprises would not permit the inequalities of income and wealth (and therefore of power and cultural access) now typical across the capitalist world.

Actually existing socialist systems, past and present, also need enterprise democratization. Those systems’ socialization of productive property plus central planning (versus capitalism’s private property and markets) left far too much unbalanced power centralized in the state. In addition, reforms (guaranteed employment and basic welfare, far less inequality of income and wealth, etc.) won by socialist revolutions proved insecure. Private enterprises and markets eventually returned and erased many of those reforms.

Traditional socialism’s problems flow also from its undemocratic organization of production. Workers in socialized state enterprises were not self-directed; they did not collectively decide what, how, and where to produce nor what to do with the profits. Instead, state officials decided what, how, and where to produce and how to dispose of profits. If socialist enterprises were democratized, the state would then depend for its revenue on collectively self-directed workers. That would institutionalize real, concrete control from below to balance state power from above.

Workers’ self-directed enterprises are a solution grounded in the histories of both capitalism and socialism. Establishing workers’ self-directed enterprises completes what past democratic revolutions began in moving societies beyond monarchies and autocracies. Democratizing production can finally take democracy beyond being merely an electoral ritual that facilitates rule by the 1% over the 99%.

Mayday by Noam Chomsky

originally published on Sunday, April 29, 2012, at Zuccotti Park Press

Noam Chomsky is a dues paying member of the IWW. This editorial is republished in accordance with “Fair Use” guidelines.

If you’re a serious revolutionary, then you are not looking for an autocratic revolution, but a popular one which will move towards freedom and democracy. That can take place only if a mass of the population are implementing it, carrying it out, and solving problems. They’re not going to undertake that commitment, understandably, unless they have discovered for themselves that there are limits to reform.

A sensible revolutionary will try to push reform to the limits, for two good reasons. First, because the reforms can be valuable in themselves. People should have an eight-hour day rather than a twelve-hour day. And in general, we should want to act in accord with decent ethical values.

Secondly, on strategic grounds, you have to show that here are limits to reform. Perhaps sometimes the system will accommodate to needed reforms. If so, well and good. But if it won’t, then new questions arise. Perhaps that is a moment when resistance is necessary, steps to overcome the barriers to justified changes. Perhaps the time has come to resort to coercive measures in defense of rights and justice, a form of self-defense. Unless the general population recognizes such measures to be a form of self-defense, they’re not going to take part in them, at least they shouldn’t.

If you get to a point where the existing institutions will not bend to the popular will, you have to eliminate the institutions. May Day started here, but then became an international day in support of American workers who were being subjected to brutal violence and judicial punishment. Today, the struggle continues to celebrate May Day not as a “law day” as defined by political leaders, but as a day whose meaning is decided by the people, a day rooted in organizing and working for a better future for the whole of society.

For a comprehensive collection of Noam Chomsky’s writings, see www.chomsky.info.