Chart of the Day: The Most Depressing Pay Gap Statistic You’ve Seen Today
This is from the most recent report [PDF] from Georgetown University’s Center on Education and the Workforce, “The College Payoff: Education, Opportunity, Lifetime Earnings.” Just in case you missed that red text on the chart, here it is for you in black and white: “Women have to have a PhD to make as much as men with a BA.”
The study also starts off by noting, “The findings are stark: Women earn less at all degree levels, even when they work as much as men. On average, women who work full-time, full-year earn 25 percent less than men, even at similar education levels. At all levels of educational attainment, African Americans and Latinos earn less than Whites.”
Oh, and in case you were wondering if getting a college degree is worth it, “Having some postsecondary education, even without earning a degree, adds nearly onequarter of a million dollars to lifetime earnings,” the study says.
Originally from the site http://kaysteiger.com Redirected by the Facebook page of the‘IRIS
Industrial Unionism And One Big Unionism In The History Of The IWW
An article from the last Industrial Worker who tries to trace in the history and the organization of the IWW reconciling the immediate objectives of daily struggles (better working conditions, minimum wage increase) and the revolutionary purpose of the IWW: Industrial Democracy, where workers form a “socialist republic of workers' cooperatives”.
We in the IWW, like many others, have long tried to link two types of struggle— struggles for short-term improvements under capitalism and the struggle to replace capitalism with a better society. For years, now the IWW has used two ideas to think about the connections between these types of struggles. These ideas are Industrial Unionism and the One Big Union. These ideas have meant many different things but they have always been related to the IWW’s revolutionary vision. These ideas relate to our vision of a future revolution that ends capitalism and to our vision of our organization under capitalism before such a revolution.
Clic here to read the article / Click here to read the article
Extracts / Extracts
“A well conducted strike will do more towards developing class-consciousness and radical sentiment than ten tons of revolutionary propaganda of a general nature.”
“Under capitalism, the structure was meant to coordinate effective struggle and to maximize the preparatory role—to make the IWW radicalize as many workers as possible as effectively as possible. After capitalism ended, the same structure would take on a new role. The article stated: “Under capitalism, the functions of the union are militant and aggressive; under the Socialist Republic they will be administrative only. This change of function will involve no internal transformation of the union, as it is precisely those powers whereby it can inflict injury upon the capitalist that will enable it to take up the work of production. It is precisely its control over production… that give[s] its power for militant action.”
What future for the Quebec labor movement?
A sociologist described in Frontenac Street the transformation of unionism in the last few decades in Quebec. He describes the transition from the Marxist offensives of the 1970s to the social democratic model(keynesien) opposed to neo-liberal economic measures. According to him, unionism today faces an impasse that also manifests itself in a disinterest of new generations of workers: “Witnesses to numerous strikes, the demands of which were unsuccessful and at the end of which the return to work was effected by concessions to the advantage of the employer, [young people] are less and less inclined to turn to unions.”
What future for unionism, for the labor movement in Quebec?
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The Quebec union movement has greatly contributed to the advancement of democracy in Quebec society. He is one of
of the main craftsmen of the Quiet Revolution, which introduced Quebec into the rank of advanced capitalist societies. After one
in-depth questioning of the capitalist system, in the early 1970, he proposes a socialist society project as so-
alternative to capitalism. He virulently denounces the domination of imperialism and the role of the Quebec state in capitalist exploitation in Quebec. It conveys a radical speech of Marxist inspiration.
This ideological and strategic offensive has raised many debates and made the trade union movement a key player in the
major issues that shape and animate Quebec society. He decides on all the stands, putting forward claims-
union and extra-union cations.
A little history
Many events will change the course of things and push the trade union movement to review its discourse and its strategies.
Towards the years 1970, the predominantly american world economy goes into crisis, mainly with the oil shock. Firstly, the major industrialized countries seek to counter the crisis with a policy of monetary austerity. This proved to be ineffective in countering inflation and the worsening of the unemployment problem.
The crisis persists until the early years 1980. Growth is at a critical point, the economy is bogged down in stagnation.
The Keynesian model is no longer able to continue to ensure full employment through state intervention in the social and
the economy. He goes into crisis. This paves the way for the establishment of neoliberal recipes, to balance the market by
outside of direct state intervention in the economy and the social. Neoliberalism is expressed as an exit strategy from
crisis. At the ideological level, the collapse of the soviet empire strengthens the domination of neoliberal doctrine, on the plans so much
ideological and political than economic.
These realities force the trade union movement to question its project of socialist society and the ideological discourse which underlies it..
He detaches himself from the classic ideals of Marxism and espouses those of social democracy.
This new pragmatic orientation – that she seems to be – poses risks to union offensive. Social democracy is inspired by Keynesianism in the development of its social project. Now, the triumph of neoliberalism places social democracy in an uncomfortable position. Social Democrats, unable to redefine their discourse and offer a counterpart to neoliberal policies, choose the defensive path. They cannot offer any response to the crisis. Several social democratic governments use neo recipes- liberal as a way out, while holding a defensive speech.
The union movement is also falling back on the defensive : defense and job protection, defense of the achievements of the Quiet Revolution, refusal to admit that its dismantling has started a long time ago and that it is drawing to a close. We only have to look at government health policies, educational, pensions and public services. The trade union movement, all
like the other members of the family of social democracy, finds it difficult to redefine his discourse and rethink the state.
This defensive retreat is reinforced by the perverse effects of the expansion of globalization on the labor market, Development
subcontracting in all sectors of the economy and work and the outsourcing of work to the countries of the South by the industrialists-
high-tech sorting.
Generational shock
Furthermore, union movement faces generational shock. Less than 40 years consider themselves victims of the effects of good
labor conditions negotiated by unions to benefit baby boomers, who continue to work in the highest paying and most secure jobs, pendant qu’une majorité d’entre eux occupent des emplois précaires.
Témoins de nombreuses grèves dont les revendications n’aboutissent pas à grand-chose et au terme desquelles le retour au tra-
vail s’effectue par des concessions à l’avantage de l’employeur, ils sont de moins en moins enclins à se tourner vers les syndicats. Ces considérations témoignent de l’affaiblissement du mouvement syndical.
For the time being, celui-ci cherche à se mobiliser contre la montée de la droite au Québec. Cette initiative ne doit pas reposer sur des mots
épars, des formules creuses mais être guidée par un nouveau discours assorti d’un projet de société à proposer comme contrepartie aux
politiques néolibérales. In addition, il doit inclure des paramètres visant la prise en charge des revendications spécifiques des jeunes et établir des stratégies claires pour les faire aboutir.
Jean-Claude Roc
Département de sociologie
Université d’Ottawa
The 1% the richest never gained much
The 1% of the richest Canadians have more than ever captured the fruits of economic growth in history, we learn a report from the Canadian Center for Policy Alternatives.
The rise of 1% richest in Canada looks at the historical evolution of income during the 90 past years and reveals that 246 000 privileged who constitute the 1% the richest in the country have appropriated almost a third (32%) of all the revenue growth between 1997 and 2007.
Mobilization Verdun on the tentative agreement between the FIQ and the State
Ce que les dernières négociations nous ont appris, except that unionism has lost its fighting spirit, is that there is no longer any union solidarity. The common front, it was every man for himself.
The FIQ has an agreement that will be accepted massively. Its strategy is clear now. From the start, la FIQ avait accepté de faire partie du front commun à la seule condition qu’aucun autre syndicat ne se mêlerait de ses négos sectorielles. Elle a accepté les offres médiocres de la table centrale pour ensuite aller chercher des augmentations déguisées dans ses négos sectorielles. J’ai vu Madame Laurent, présidente de la FIQ, avoir une conversation assez corsée avec une représentante locale CSN à ce sujet. La FIQ savait aussi que les infirmières, avec l’appui de la population, ont un vrai rapport de force, rapport de force qu’elle a gardé pour elle-même.
The separation between the worker and his union
Texte distribué le 2 novembre aux représentants de la FIQ réunis en congrès. Un huis clos empêchait les travailleuses cotisantes à la FIQ d’assister au congrès car leur présence aurait pu nuire à la sécurité des informations transmises de la FIQ à ses délégués. Notre texte s’adresse aux représentants de cette centrale, mais nous considérons que la critique qu’il exprime est également valable pour les autres centrales du secteur de la santé, surtout en ce qui a trait à l’état du syndicalisme local.
Nous espérons qu’après avoir tant juré de leur détermination à lutter jusqu’où bout, les négociateurs de la FIQ ne se préparent pas à faire avaler aux délégués réunis en congrès aujourd’hui une entente à rabais sous le couvert de la crise économique et de la difficulté à mobiliser les membres. La démobilisation n’est pas une fatalité mais le résultat de pratiques syndicales bureaucratiques en rupture avec la base. Tout le monde sait que le syndicalisme local est dans un état lamentable. In these circumstances, la FIQ a beau se donner des allures de guerrière, the government, his, sait très bien que c’est du vent. Et du fait que la FIQ néglige le potentiel d’une lutte soutenue par une réelle mobilisation et consultation des travailleuses de la base en assemblée, elle n’a aucun rapport de force.
Violence !
Alors que les libertés civiles et l’habeas corpus ont été suspendu à Toronto pour la durée du sommet, que la police a multiplié les arrestations et les perquisitions sans mandat, les éditorialistes et les commentateurs politiques montent aux barricades pour défendre un système pourri de l’intérieur contre la “violence” des méchants casseurs.
Mais cette dénonciation cache la réalité d’un système qui carbure à la violence, à l’oppression, à l’exploitation. Si elle est spectaculaire, la casse matérielle n’est rien comparée à la violence quotidienne du capitalisme. Ce n’est pas une violence que l’on voit parce qu’elle ne fait pas les manchettes, mais elle fait beaucoup plus de victimes que les quelques vitrines et automobiles qui ont fait les frais de la colère populaire à Toronto en fin de semaine.
Sexism and racism are factors work discrimination
On le savait déjà, mais c’est encore confirmé par une récente étude publiée par le Canadian Center for Policy Alternatives: l’origine ethnique et le genre sont des facteurs de discrimination importants sur le marché du travail. L’étude est basée sur des données ontariennes, mais aucune raison ne permet de croire que le Québec puisse faire meilleure figure à cet égard.
Québec: The talented entre les riches et les pauvres s'accentue
The gaps between the rich and the poor have widened in Quebec, while the poorest work more to earn less and the poor 70% the poorest get less than there is 30 years, concluded a recent study.
L’écart actuel entre les revenus des riches et les revenus des autres Québécois.e.s est le plus grand jamais observé depuis 30 ans et pourrait bien croître à cause de la récession, selon cette étude, co-publiée par l’Institut de recherche et d’informations socio-économiques (IRIS) et le Centre canadien de politiques alternatives (CCPA), qui trace le portrait des inégalités entre les familles du Québec ayant des enfants de moins de 18 years.