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The Origins of Solidarity Unionism: Minority report 1

These last years, I have occasionally contributed to a section named "Wobbling the Works”, which put the & rsquo; focus on & rsquo; impact of laws governing the world of work on & rsquo; union. I will continue to write about it from time to time, but recently my attention was focused on a concept that I designate as "minority unionism", is a way of describing a method of organization that does not wait after the majority of workers d & rsquo; a place of work to earn the legal right to negotiate. This month, I will share some aspects that have sparked my interest and led me in this direction.

 

Recently, j & rsquo; I had to rewrite the constitution SITT-IWW for our comrades Regional Organizing Committees, who were tired es of US spelling mistakes such as "labour” and "organising”. Scrutinize the Constitution made me think of the idea of ​​the branches job. A job sector is a group of five or more members of the IWW-SITT in the same workplace and to meet at least once a month. This implies a more or less implied that them discuss their grievances, that & rsquo; he creates them strategies to address and establish a union presence in their work.

 

I am working on a project that was intended to be a video version of the classic pamphlet IWW, “A Worker’s Guide to Direct Action”, but has gained momentum after it began. By making the search for the video, I saw Miriam Ching Yoon Louie talk about his book, Sweatshop Warriors, which provides excellent examples of how the centers of Immigrant Workers es have helped many workers understand their rights and organize themselves around various problems at work and in the community. I also had the chance to interview Barbara Pear, a maid at the University of North Carolina and president of the EU branch number 150, When & rsquo; she visited the maintenance staff at Swarthmore College, leading a campaign for living wages for more than six years. The University union has no legal right to negotiate, but has nevertheless been successful thanks to the & rsquo; use of pressure tactics aimed at bringing administrators at the negotiating table and d & rsquo; secure improvements for workers and the least-paid workers are.

 

I often think of ways that workers, who do not have the legal right to negotiate or who have no collective agreement, can put the & rsquo; before to act as a union, using the law to amplify their work. This came to mind because Staughton Lynd asked me to repeat our pamphlet "Labor Law for the Rank and Filer"At a time when I had become particularly cynical with regard to the use of laws governing work in & rsquo; union. I was returning from a weekend with the family Lynd, the people "Youngstown Workers Solidarity Club"Disruptors and their cohorts, interference, veterans and vétéranes activism and d & rsquo; d & rsquo organizers, organizing student-es, from d & rsquo; across the US.

 

The club was developed as a parallel trade union center that filled a missing when the local plant could not provide adequate support for a strike. Hold me with these people was the antidote to the cynicism that I felt; it's not that I have more confidence in the law, but I now feel able to see the possibilities ... There's a month I saw a documentary, American Standoff, on the shore of the trucking company Overnight, I have criticized in the latest issue. “Standoff"Illustrated many problems that the working class has not adequately confronted. How can we organize ourselves in companies that are so anti-union they are willing to spend millions of dollars just to keep worker-are far from the negotiating table? The campaign Teamsters in Overnight, which is currently in a difficult situation that it is not even certain that it can be taken in hand, is the latest example of a long list of campaigns that left the trade union left scratching their heads wondering how to deal with self-destructive employers and labor laws completely backward. Sure, the answer, it is not to give up. But it s & rsquo; is not to simply d & rsquo; a clique of agitators and d & rsquo; agitating minority on each workplace. It s & rsquo; is to create real solidarity networks that are organized and able to win improvements in individual workplaces, through industries, and for the benefit of the international working class.

 

And, finally and especially, several comrades on the other side of the Atlantic sent me an article on minority unionism that appeared in a recent edition of the magazine The Nation. L’article, written by Richard B. Freeman et Joel Rogers, argues that theAFL-CIO should develop a d & rsquo plan organization that does not depend on recruiting the majority of d & rsquo workers; a workplace. What was amazing to receive multiple copies of this article in my emails was not the astonishment of American trade unionists who sent. The quite upside which we do chaisons is absurd. Few countries practice trade unionism as we do in the US (and Canada) with the union as the sole bargaining agent of a declared majority. I think it would help a lot if a majority of workers with whom I discuss were aware of how things are done elsewhere, and it would also be nice if people d & rsquo; elsewhere could see the consequences of the way we & rsquo; organize.

 

Now, that is the purpose of this section. I want to share these stories and experiences. I want to connect my classmates with resources that others have found useful in their union work. I can not offer a recipe for success. These examples will not always suitable for everyone. But an intelligent reflection on a way forward is not only a possibility, it s & rsquo; is something that is already short. And developing resources to try these ideas, we will give us the confidence to turn comments like "what a great idea!"To" I'll try it!”.

 

The series of “minority reports” was written and published in 2002 on the website of the IWW, by Alexis FW Buss.

Link to original article: https://iww.org/about/solidarityunionism/explained/minority1

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poor record

The RQ-ACA and the fight

In recent years, le RQ-ACA (Quebec Independent Community Action Network) and its regional fronts are the channels through which community groups in the Autonomous Community Action (HERE) bearing claims on funding and recognition deal with different levels of government, through the campaign "Commit yourself to the community".

 

The criteria to be part of community action groups are : be a non-profit organization, rooted in the community, have an associative and democratic life, and have the freedom to determine its mission, its approaches, practices and guidelines. To be qualified as independent, we add that it must have been formed at the initiative of the people in the community, pursuing a social mission of its own and promotes social transformation, having an approach based on the totality of the problem addressed and be led by an independent CA public network. In our groups, it is usually to our members, militant.e.s and / or users-using and we are accountable.

 

ACA gathers groups working on very diverse axes : women, LGBTQ, defense rights, Harm reduction, popular education, family associations, Hosting Resources, international cooperation, ecology, etc. Assemblies are held periodically, by region, so members are involved in developing the outline of the action plan that will define the national struggle.

 

Among the means used, include poster campaigns, distribution of stickers "I support the Community ', press conferences, publication of texts, representations to various bodies, manifestations, actions "disturbing" and finally strike, like the aborted 7 February.

 

The worn speech is roughly as follows : the state must reinvest in the community so that we can accomplish our mission and maintain (or increase) our services, suites historical struggles, we managed several gains that we want to save what is now an acquired.

 

The (lack of) Community funding

In recent decades, we see a change in the state funding. Private foundations are playing an increasingly important and bring with them the performance requirements and efficiency, short do more with less. In the best known, there Way, Chagnon Foundation, etc. These give the funding requested by their vis-à-vis the mission judgment, Services, activity reports, etc. These donors require specific account yields qualitatively and quantitatively. In survival mode, Community has no choice but to turn to these donors for survival. And in spite of ourselves, sometimes, it must distort our missions and mandates to meet the funding criteria. The state also seem increasingly inclined to do so in the allocation of funds.

 

The ACA groups are important and worthy of funding, but are not the only elements of the Community. Several salarié.e.s Community must both cope with precarious funding, and their tutelage under external bodies (CIUSS/CLSC, YMCA, foundations, hospitals, etc.). This is the case of aidant.e.s pair.e.s are considéré.e.s as part of a specific project under supervision and are then envoyé.e.s in various groups, but are not always treated equally face permanent.e.s intervenant.e.s of these organizations.

 

The fight is personal

Work in the Community is, for many of us, much more than a job, it is a vocation. Nonetheless concretely, un.e salarié.e occupying the same function in a government resource, or even in the private has much better conditions. Our vocation is it leave us in poverty?

 

Who among us, Workers, volunteers and community militant.e.s, has not seen colleagues or comrades in from burnout? Who does not know quelqu'un.e who saw his position abolished or cut hours for lack of funding? How are we jumping from contract to contract and end up chronically unemployed? How many CA work or teams have had to make difficult choices as that of maintaining a position or cut in insurance, pensions and / or other benefits? And we pass by! That's the reality we chatter between workers of the community.

 

There seems to be treading water for years, and our struggles are fragmented. Everyone is trying to pull a piece of cover on their side hoping to make giving back a portion of the amount that has been cut, or see our funding be indexed. As soon as it receives a portion of what it hoped, it withdraws from fight. Efforts our state donors are not living up to our potential. From year to year, the same strategies are repeated : representations to various bodies, petition and letter, and a very symbolic temporary occupation of a lobby government offices or large financial players.

 

Funding for our groups must not only enable us to continue our activities, it should allow wages and viable conditions for everyone. Often agencies must draw on their funds to adequately pay salarié.e.s engagé.e.s for a temporary project. It lasted quite. We can not bear any longer to be the cheap labor of the State in social services. Our donors can perhaps muzzle our groups, organizations and projects, but they can not muzzle workers who wear them at arms. Join the Union of Workers of the Community!

 

Rage and Solidarity,

A member of the union workers and community workers.

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The value

This article is not one of our usual items. It is rather a part of a new series of articles from our union of self-employed, which will assess the various challenges faced by these workers whose domain is, by nature, unpredictable. And, a more significant, it will assess what we can do about these issues.

 

Does film criticism still has value? I have seen more rumblings to that effect recently, but as with all things, This will work as well. This is a transitional pass; I barely thirty and film died and was saved a dozen times in my life. Critics are thinkers and thinkers; they and they contextualize the world of art. But I'm not here to discuss the critical role. What I am here to do is break down the work that goes into a fairly standard movie review. Because, naturally, criticism is work.

Little is also taken for granted that the work published online. There has been a steady devaluation of writing in cultural nature of the Internet as a service paid, for over a decade now. The legends of this area can not maintain a contract. Publishers and editors lead a mediocre contest to see how much content they and they can squeeze their team with an almost nonexistent funding. All you see online is written by someone-e and shocking part of these writings was made for peanuts.

So how much is a film critic? Detail all.

Before going further, This is to clarify that 100% an estimation. The rate that I will use are based on strong intuitions and some fifth-grade math. Where I try to come in here is an approximate figure that is larger than, good, zero.

Now, even before you take paper and pencil to write this vicious row or sparkling leaflet, you must watch this damn movie. It is obvious that this is part of the job, and so you should be paid for it-es. Think of it as training; it's part of the job where you learn what you have to do. Without this, you can not do the job. Critics should definitely be paid es for their time and they spend watching the film. Now, I know that critics are often invited es to broadcasts,get links or receive one way or another a film copy. But you do not watch the movie for fun! If we are going to exist in a capitalist system, and if someone will extract the value of our work (in that case, a movie review), fair wages should be expected. The time during which you're stuck es on the film office is part of that value which is extracted because it is an inextricable part of the work you do. No movie, no critical, It's that simple.

"But wait," say definitely someone-e backstage, "Does that mean that a video game critic should be paid for the many hours he or she puts in a game so that they can write about them?? "Absolutely. AT 100%. "More “Breath of the Wild” is a game of 45 hours?!"You want me to play the full game and I write about it? pay!

So, if we assume a rate of 15$ /h (and seriously, why do not I?) and a film lasts two hours, it should 30$ in your pocket from the start. We have not even started to put words together. Once again, using well elementary math, presupposing a ratio 1:1 viewing time – write time, a salary 15$ /h, and a text 700 words, we arrive at a rate of about four cents a word (which is in the lower bracket of the price of honest self-s-worker). So the rate minimum for this text 700 words would 60$. A short capsule 200 word back to 38$. An texts 1000 words would 70$. This rate of four cents a word plus a living wage for the film screening is a absolute floor what is your job.

This is for a single film. These numbers can not be transferred for a full week; those who keep score at home will realize that our way text 700 Words cost four hours of work: two to watch, two for write. There is absolutely no chance that a person look ten movies a week and write about each. This is a sure way to destroy your work-life balance. Furthermore, the highest amount of movie releases in one week is four, with an average closer to three. But assume that the film section of a publication committed one in the new releases, and say there is a big weekend of four films coming up. Take for example 6-8 april 2018. This week saw the exits of :

  • A Quiet Place
  • Blockers
  • The Miracle Season
  • Chappaquiddick

These four films were covered in the New York Times therefore use the figures set out above with the respective length of their journals in Times as a base, decompose these films in terms of labor costs (15$ Time for viewing, four hundred word).

  • A Quiet Place: (651 Words * $ 0.04) + (91’*($15/60’)) = $48.79
  • Blockers: (674 Words * $ 0.04) + (91’*($15/60’)) = $52.46
  • The Miracle Season: (252 Words * $ 0.04) + (99’*($15/60’)) = $34.83
  • Chappaquiddick: (881 Words * $ 0.04) + (101’*$15/60’)) = $60.49

So if a person covers the entire weekend, this amounts to a pay 196,57$. These films are relatively short and one of the five is roughly a capsule; if we keep our example two hours, 700 words, a weekend in four films amount to a pay 232$, which is still not a living wage. But there are precedents in terms of being able to live on a critical new releases salary. Let me take you back to ancient times, pre-recession 2008, and the hourly rate of Mike D'Angelo, currently one of the many many film critics who work on contract. According to this tweet, he was paid 400$ by review when he worked for the Las Vegas Weekly. That's four zero zero. This is a rate that has negotiated the 200$ magazine offered him because, according to him, there was "no need of work". M. D'Angelo, and presumably other critical full time around the same time, earned enough money by writing for a living wage with two or three journals, or about 2100 words, per week, and had enough leverage to negotiate a rate twice that which was offered at the beginning. It's amazing.

More depressing still: take the hourly rate received by D'Angelo 2008 according to its updates (400$ by review, 600-800 words per review) and analyze it. Keep the same hourly rate 15$ for the time spent watching the film and assume an average week end of three film releases, a two-hour film. Six o'clock, 90$. this leaves 310$ for the act of writing, and if an average of criticism is presupposed 700 words, this gives us a rate just words above 44 cents.

All this is another way of saying something you already knew. Capitalism has destroyed the safety net that critics had a decade ago and since hastened to cut more corners. But you should be compensated fairly for your art-work, without exception. By sticking together, fair rates can become a reality rather than a rarity.

Solidarity,

Yancy Richardson

In english

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workers interview: A strike from the SAQ is tabarnak!

The employee-s SAQ (Société des alcools du Québec) themselves with-e-s a strike mandate 6 days to pressure the corporation as part of their trading. A member of the IWW asked some questions to SEMB-SAQ Comrade (CSN) about strike. To avoid employer reprisals, his name will remain anonymous. Solidarity!

 

Quickly, can you tell us a little about your background? Is this your first strike?

 

I am an employee of the SAQ for almost ten years, before that, I had worked in an emergency CHUM from my 18 years. 2012 was my first fight, Now I fight as an employee at the SAQ.

 

Why are you on strike, What is your claim?

 

To date, we used one of our 6 go slow days ** and it was on Tuesday 17 July 2018 as many have found out. Our main demands are the following : reducing the precariousness of employment with our members and the work-family balance. What you should know is that 70% our employee-s on 5500 are e-s-time employee who does not have insurance, no paid vacation, no paid day off, no pay scale and no time guarantee the schedule week after week.

They and they receive their schedules three days in advance, and this creates a "surembauche" and staff turnover, because we can not keep workers in those conditions. Not to mention that it takes between 10 at 15 years to get a job. It is by portraying the people as children spoiled-e-s because our starting salary is 19,33$ /h, but when multiplied by 0 pendant 3 straight month, it's still a basic multiplication giving 0$ by salary. Basically, SAQ can not keep the employee-s, And this, even with a salary that could be called attractive because it can not guarantee hours.

Our other claim is work-life balance and I think I have no need to elaborate too much on it, it's pretty obvious. Serious, Couillard the government made its campaign, but to believe that it is not for us as it plans to privatize us. If already, must be between 10 and 15 years for a position at the SAQ, it would be cool to have a schedule that has no or a single day weekend. schedules of the floor we want to keep our present agreement and / or improve, but when your employer refuses even the status quo, we realize that despite its record profits, it crunches in us. If I get a job after 13 years and I want to hope to have a good life with my family, it will not be at the SAQ, So I fight!

 

SAQ bosses are how? Executives tell you what?

 

Where to start? Basically, their bonus system is done on the backs of workers. The more they cut their hours and bonuses are proving attractive. So, it's not worth the trouble of really talking. My opinion is as follows, I studied industrial relations from a variety of people think that when they will arrive in a company, they can demonstrate "leadership", is cute.

 

What do you do as equity?

 

At the beginning, we started off the uniform, but that has not reacted population. On the other hand, the beginning of the pressing means, which were voted on 94.7%, had the effect of changing the balance of power. It was through actions gradation we do understand that the employer stands. We are 5500 members throughout Quebec and they are 350 and several branch managers. They tiring-e-s we were to see us at work, dressed-e-s the way we wanted and they were no longer recognized as an authority figure.

After, we made a sticky campaign that was never requested by our nego table and not by the executive. I think it is important to mention to tell the employer that it is an autonomous movement of members of HE Mr. B. has grown, for we have been insulted-e-s by the lack of employer recognition, so they should forget their formal notices! We must also say that some of our customer-e-s we asked tights to put them inside or outside the store. This kind of action on the part of these has shown us that they love us and that it is not the workers who are in the wrong, but senior leaders of monopoly.

At the moment, we made "facing" alternative, before spinning the bottles, is put in reverse the signs and made himself indispensable with customers. Then the rest, it's still a secret.

 

Picketing happens how?

 

After a day, it is very well among our ranks. Members answered the call in an extraordinary way. We realized, shortly before the strike began, the employer would operate small stores, which SAQ Express.

On the other hand, people have kept the watchword : prevent deliveries! The response of our members was incredible.

However, we saw people from many unions who were wearing clothes identified with the colors of said unions cross our picket lines, And this, shamelessly. The SEMB-SAQ is known to support all the struggles of union-e-Colleagues! I will not lie, but it makes me when tabarnak / syndicated e-pass our picket line during a strike day ONLY for buying wine. It is as if we members SEMB-SAQ were worthless for them. I advise them reading "Traîneux foot, Boreal Edition ", because we were the first to organize in the mid-sixties in the public service. We have a history of union struggle which we are proud-e-s.

To Montreal, I would like to acknowledge the presence of Manon Massé and several e-s-Québec Solidaire candidate who came-e-s we press lines.

 

If the world in general would support you, what actions they could?

 

a premier, when you go to the SAQ, you can fill out a survey. So, if you write that you would like the employee-s have a good collective agreement, it would be great appreciated (you can also say that the boss was on the phone all the way to his office)! Ensuite, never be embarrassed-e-s ask for the boss (even if he is in his office) branch to tell him that you find unacceptable that the employer rule by the labor dispute with the employee-s. If you get your hands on tights, treat yourself! Especially tell the workers that you press!

 

The other unions, they can do anything for you backer?

 

DO NOT MISS OUR picket lines, please!

 

Solidarity and good next strike days!

 

If you want to follow the negotiations and strikes following days, you can do so via the SAQ-SEMB Facebook page (CSN) : https://www.facebook.com/semb.saq/

 

** go slow : which interrupts the activity of a company by a succession of small work stoppages. Like the fellow said : "That is one vote 6 days, but they can be used one day at a time. It makes the employer more nervous because he does not know when it will come out versus an indefinite strike. »

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S’organiser, then fight

As everyone knows, G7 was held this year at home, in Quebec. This grotesque "Party of Bourges", at 600 Pigés million of public funds, was that our elites can conspire in peace as THEIR interests (which are contrary to ours). As one of the supreme Western symbols of their contempt for us, no it was not surprised that some e-left launches his attack and tries to disrupt as much as possible.

The response of the state to this "assault" was lightning : Near 8000 police deployed, helicopters flying over the city of Quebec, submarines deployed in the river, the reinforcement army, erected temporary prisons, a zone of lawlessness where police making arrests and illegal searches, all preceded by a long campaign of fear to deter anyone from coming oppose (even peacefully) G7 and legitimize all the repression that would take place during this weekend.

Some people (including myself) it is still presented by principle, but what actually win they had hoped to get a heavy state's power demonstration? Any, except that to draw this lesson: we can not currently change things by taking the street. This fad that some, and some of us have to believe that we can get to get anything manifesting in the current conditions (that is to say, too few) must stop. The finding is that we're at the stage where we must devote energy to expand our ranks and organize ourselves!

This text will therefore aim to put the agenda some organizational bases, and more specifically the radical unions.

 

1. who join?

When we take the time to create genuine friendships with people around us, whether our family, our colleagues, members of our sports team, etc., it quickly becomes clear that the vast majority of workers and oppressed people in other ways (patriarchy, racism, etc) suffer and are fully aware. They and they do not always understand how these systems consist of oppression, let alone how to fight against and what could be a society rid of them, but however and they know that they and are affected by-es of injustices.

To this question of "who joined", I would say so : virtually any person undergoing some form of oppression can be reached with respect thereto. Needless, so, to focus only on people who are "already left". On the contrary, preach to the converted es prevents us from developing our influence.

 

2. Reaching?

The ideals of social justice are charming and are targets for people who suffer injustice, It goes without saying. However, for most people, these ideals are so distant that it is virtually impossible to consider them reach one day and it seems more practical to devote their energy to solve problems that can be set now. The good thing, is that these two thoughts are not contradictory since it is actually winning small battles, one by one, that ends up winning bigger and that will eventually win it all.

Based on this idea, the best way to reach people who already so do not advocate is to sincerely discuss with them and them things that bother them today and to work with them and them so that these situations change. Needless, even against immensely productive, start talking about ideals socialist-libertarian.

However, it remains imperative to always keep backstory that all our struggles will only be palliative as long as we do not win "the" great victory; this is what we will push people mobilizing to understand that we must always continue, and many identify what concessions should not do and in what political traps must not fall.

 

3. What actions to take to make a difference?

If the student strike 2012 we learned something when compared with a strike of the public transport sector, for example, is a mass of people taking the streets, even very large, and even an extended time period, unfortunately has very little disruption of power compared to a mass of workers who decide to go on strike in a key sector of the economy (and that it have the support or not the rest of the population!). The immediate gains, like those long-term, existent, but remain limited.

Another thing social struggles we learn quickly when attention here (and that brings us back to the previous point) is that it is much easier to concentrate our efforts to campaign with people around us against a "small form of power" (for example, the boss of our work mileu or local administration of our school) than trying to rally the entire population to rise up through a call to solidarity which it would respond with a fantastical and illusory revolutionary spirit.

The day that most of us have struggled es, won-es, and have acquired es collective class consciousness, we can dream and even carry out such acts! But that day is NOT today. Today, if we go out of our militant circles already convinced and will really organize the fight, we know that we are still in the stages :

⁃ Carry out to those around us what really involve the injustices they and they undergo daily.

⁃ Make them realize that and have a real power to change the injustices they and they are direct victims daily.

The ⁃ engage in these struggles, forming at the same time understanding of organized left (democracy, procedural codes, committees, principle of non-mixed, etc.) and enabling them to become both leftists and "get Empowerer".

 

Conclusion

The transition to tomorrow's society is a process that will be phased. Although they do not will operate one at a time (one can very well do both syndicalism and revolutionary events of May 1, for example), it is still important to understand where we are and invest our energy in the right places avoiding fantasizing about a sudden revolutionary upsurge, or the state yield anything facing 200 protesters enraged and es demonstrators take to the streets.

If we really want to move forward, start with the basics and follow the process steps. Organizing first, then fight!

 

Max K.

 

(Writing this text is gendered bit for easier reading, and only for this reason. Thank you for taking notes)

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Campaign History : redeems your pay!

often receives such a call.

* Remi contacted us because his former employer, who has a housekeeping company, had not paid him the wages he owed him for nearly two months. Not far from 300$. Either the food for a solid month, or a good portion of the rent.

He had worked for her boss a full weekend. Fourteen hours. The boss had to get back to him and send his schedule earlier this week. After a few days without news, Rémi concluded that it would not make other shifts. He started trying to get the salary that was rightfully his.

You will be more to recognize you in his situation. When a boss wants to talk to you, you are better respond rapidly worse. Enwoye, press it, there is no time and money to waste. When the reverse against by, suddenly, there is no urgency.

Call after call, no answer. The boss finally replied to a text message asking Remi sent him an email by sample check in order to make him a bank transfer, which he did on the spot. A few days pass, nothing. Rémi against him by, it is hard and he rewrote his boss, only to be told to send back an email with a sample check. Once again, without new, no transfer.

It will retry again, but radio silence, his former boss gave no sign of life. Few weeks later, Rémi happening by chance to one of our posters Reclaim your pay and we called.

He explained his situation and how we operate. So we established a game plan quickly. Direct actions to the menu. On the other hand, as we ask anyone who contacts us : a final call is suggested, but this time mentioning having contacted a solidarity union!

Well, the word union is still afraid! When Remi told his former boss that he had called and we were about to get in step, suddenly, the boss has become ben ben conciliatory and a few minutes later, he shed his unpaid wages!

All this to say, ensemble, when one is standing and we stick together, results are obtained. And the small victories, it is essential to build a little solidarity. Congratulations for your perseverance Rémi!

Solidarity,

A member of the Industrial Union of Workers.

 

* For privacy concerns, we changed his name.

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CALL FOR PROTEST MAY 1 : YOU ARE NOT ALONE-ES!

Gathering with food and speaking out at 14:30 at Metro Park. Leaving the district event at 16.00.

Monitoring of anti-capitalist demonstration CLAC downtown.

(English below)

 

As workers, unemployed workers, students and tenants, our best weapon to defend against those who exploit us and abuse us remains solidarity. This is why the Industrial Union of Workers and Workers (SITT-IWW Montreal) invites you to bring you to fight together in Park Extension on May 1.

 

Our struggles are multiplying on several fronts. As the attacks against us. Strikes and lockouts are subdued by the power of courts, the public sector is privatized and burns its employee-s, our wages stagnate while our rents rise, racist discourse trivialize the delight of the ruling class. The G7 held a full paralyzes region for the rich and powerful share the planet. And all this, while bosses and politicians share the profits.

 

But whatever, we struggle! Community groups take to the streets to denounce social inequalities. The neighborhoods of tenants are mobilizing against gentrification. Women denounce and take public space with #MeToo. antiracist solidarity networks multiply to counter the rise of the extreme right. Nurses chant "it'll do! "And refuse to run out in silence. The most precarious workers organize and show solidarity.

 

We're not as isolated-are the bosses and politicians want to imply. We are not as mere pawns who will vote and watching the bosses decide our fate. We fight for our voices heard. And that is why we must go beyond corporatism, solidarity and a bridge between our respective struggles, because that is our strength!

 

It is with this spirit of solidarity that SITT-IWW Montreal invite you to show on Tuesday May 1 in Park Extension, on the occasion of the International Day of Workers, chanting together : WE ARE NOT ALONE-ES!

 

We invite all unions, groups and organizations to endorse our call and write us.

 

///

 

Gathering with food and speeches at 2:30 pm at Metro Park. Departure of the neighborhood demonstration at 16H00.

Follow-up with the CLAC anti-capitalist protest downtown.

 

As workers, unemployed, students and tenants, our best defense against those who exploit and abuse us is solidarity. That is why the Industrial Workers of the World (ITS-IWW Montreal) invites you to gather and fight together in Parc-Extension on May 1st.

 

Our struggles are multiplying on several fronts at the same time. Just like the attacks on us. Strikes and lockouts are muted by the power of the courts, the public sector privatizes and burns its employees, our wages stagnate while our rents increase, racist speeches become commonplace to the delight of the ruling class. Holding the G7 paralyzes a complete region for wealth and power to move the planet. And all that, while the bosses and politicians share the profits.

 

But no matter what, we fight! Community groups take to the streets to denounce social inequalities. Tenants from working-class neighborhoods are mobilizing against gentrification. Women denounce and take public space with #MeToo. Anti-racist solidarity networks are multiplying to counter the rise of the extreme right. Nurses say, “Enough is enough!” and refuse to wear themselves out in silence. The most precarious workers are organizing and solidarity is on the rise.

 

We are not as isolated as bosses and politicians would like us to believe. We are not just pawns that will vote and watch as the bosses decide our fate. We fight to make ourselves heard. And that’s why we must go beyond corporatism, stand together and make the bridge between our struggles, that’s our strength!

 

It is with this spirit of solidarity that the SITT-IWW Montréal invites you to demonstrate on Tuesday, May 1st, in the Parc-Extension neighborhood, on the occasion of the International Workers’ Day, to chant all together: WE ARE NOT ALONE!

 

We invite all unions, groups and organizations to endorse our call and write to us.

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ASSÉ and syndicalism

Il y a environ deux semaines, j’étais au congrès hivernal de ASSE pour la fin de semaine du 24 and 25 February. J’étais bien content d’y croiser d’autres Wobblies, dans les délégations comme à la table du présidium, et c’est ce qui m’a poussé à écrire ce texte pour vous aujourd’hui. Ma réflexion tourne autour de la question: qu’est-ce que le milieu syndical a à voir avec la politique étudiante et plus spécifiquement l’ASSÉ? La réponse que je souhaite proposer: solidarity.

 

La politique étudiante et l’ASSÉ

Mes quelques mois d’implication dans mon association locale universitaire m’ont permis de constater plusieurs choses à propos de la politique étudiante: peu de personnes impliquées, peu de résultats concrets pour les actions entreprises, les buts sont toujours politiques et à grande échelle… Bref, ce n’est pas du pareil au même avec des syndicats comme le SITT-IWW. However, il ne serait pas juste de mettre toutes les associations étudiantes dans le même panier. Tandis que certaines d’entre elles sont contentes de n’exister que pour la vie sociale de leurs membres, il y en d’autres d’une différente espèce, qui elles se dotent de revendications politiques à l’envers du statu quo. It is, pour la majeure partie, ce genre d’association étudiante qui s’est présenté au congrès de l’ASSÉ.

 

ASSÉ: Association pour une Solidarité Syndicale Étudiante. Peu importe ce que devient l’organisation en tant que telle, le principe d’un syndicalisme étudiant demeurera toujours important. Un syndicat étudiant n’a pas pour objectif de faire pression sur un employeur, mais il n’en reste pas moins que les étudiants et étudiantes du Québec ont un rôle politique des plus pertinents à jouer. C’est à leurs associations de lutter pour les droits à l’éducation de tous et toutes, en raison de leur perspective privilégiée sur ce sujet. Ce sont les étudiants et étudiantes des cégeps et des universités qui connaissent mieux leurs réalités et ce sont elles et eux qui souffriront de coupes en éducations et hausses des frais de scolarité. Ce sont donc à elles et eux que le gouvernement devra avoir à faire lorsqu’il voudra encore porter atteinte à ce droit à l’éducation.

 

Ce serait donc une erreur d’ignorer la politique étudiante sous prétexte qu’elle ne sert que « ses propres intérêts ». Une société qui adopterait les principes d’aide mutuelle et d’autogestion doit se préoccuper de l’éducation de tous et toutes. Les attaques envers l’éducation perpétrée par le projet néolibéral ne cesseront pas de sitôt, Unfortunately. So, il est important d’avoir les moyens de se défendre et de se mobiliser. Le projet d’une éducation publique et accessible en vaut la peine! Le seul moyen efficace d’accomplir ces tâches est, selon moi et mon humble opinion, le syndicalisme étudiant. Le modèle syndical a fait ses preuves dans le monde économique, par ses moyens de pression efficaces pour faire plier les patrons. Il sera toujours bénéfique à la politique étudiante de continuer de se calquer sur ce modèle pour mener à bien ses luttes.

 

Of course, il faut rendre bien clair le fait que les syndicats de travail ne sont pas des syndicats étudiants. Il ne s’agit pas de fusionner les deux, car ils ont leurs propres objectifs, qu’il ne faudrait pas confondre: les droits des travailleurs et travailleuses pour l’un et les droits à l’éducation pour l’autre.

 

Les problèmes de l’ASSÉ

C’est ainsi que je me lance dans une analyse de ce qui ne va pas à l’ASSÉ. J’identifie trois problèmes majeurs, à régler dans les plus brefs délais si elle veut survivre. Un mot pour débuter: démobilisation. Ce premier problème, je le constate dans les associations locales comme nationales. La base étudiante n’est pas impliquée comme elle l’était en 2012 ou même en 2015. On parle souvent d’un « creux de mobilisation ». Les burnouts de militants et militantes ne sont pas rares et, à ce qu’on m’a rapporté, ce sont bel et bien les militantes qui pâtissent le plus de la pression qui vient avec l’implication à l’ASSÉ. Ce quelques jours après le 8 mars, j’estime nécessaire de souligner que les hommes impliqués n’en font pas assez (ou trop dans le mauvais sens selon le cas) pour favoriser un milieu militant qui n’est pas hostile aux femmes. En cela consiste donc le deuxième problème de l’ASSÉ: une association qui n’a pas la confiance des femmes n’est pas une association qui devrait s’attendre à survivre longtemps. Nous étions loin d’avoir une proportion paritaire d’hommes et femmes au congrès. Il y a aussi la question de l’implication amoindrie des personnes de la communauté LGBT+ qui doit être considérée, en plus des questions de genre. Ce rapport de confiance doit absolument être rétabli et pour cela un travail de fond est à faire. Troisièmement et enfin viennent les problèmes financiers. On parle de déficits atteignant plusieurs dizaines de milliers de dollars, majoritairement imputables aux associations locales qui ne paient pas leurs cotisations. Un problème de grande taille, c’est le moins qu’on puisse dire.

 

S’il fallait que je résume ces trois problèmes en un seul plus général, alors je dirais que l’ASSÉ souffre d’un manque de solidarité. C’est l’aliment principal de tout syndicat, sans quoi il ne peut pas vraiment vivre. L’ASSÉ doit donc: travailler à ce que sa base reprenne le goût de s’impliquer pour des enjeux qui touchent toutes les étudiantes et tous les étudiants, construire une véritable solidarité féministe dans ses rangs et finalement rétablir la confiance de ses associations locales pour qu’elles redeviennent solidaires entre elles et emploient l’argent de leurs cotisations à bon escient. Of course, lorsque je dis « l’ASSÉ doit », je veux dire « tous les membres et toutes les membres de l’ASSÉ doivent »! Car une association syndicale n’est rien sauf l’ensemble de ses membres qui sont prêts et prêtes à lutter, uni-es. Les problèmes de l’ASSÉ ne lui sont pas nécessairement uniques, ce sont des dangers qui guettent tout syndicat. La solidarité est à la fois un moyen de lutte et un objectif à atteindre, qui ne doit jamais être perdue de vue.

 

La solidarité syndicale étudiante

So that's what the labor movement has to do with student politics. Their objectives and methods may vary, but the student associations have everything to gain from adopting the union model, and everything to lose by neglecting to. ASSÉ was once the most popular vehicle of this student political solidarity, but it is perhaps no longer the case today. I am not attached, I was too young to really participate in the strike 2012, but I'm not as adamantly opposed others may be. What matters to me, and for which I argue, This is a student association that lives true solidarity and that is truly able to put into action the union pressure tactics to enforce its claims. I saw him at the congress of ASSE, local organizations want to work together, they want to fight together, even those in favor of the dissolution. Coalitions of individuals could well mobilize students, but only a union approach can maintain a ratio of sizable force to bend the government. The ASSE and its members face the difficult choice of letting die a formerly powerful mobilizing tool, or bet on resuscitation of what remains of this gear. It is simply to ensure that the solidarity, she, remains alive. Who knows, ASSE and other student associations would perhaps do well to emulate what the Wobblies are in Montreal? Après tout c’est un modèle syndical tel que celui du SITT-IWW qui prône la solidarité dans toutes ses luttes!

 

Solidarity forever,

 

X385004

 

Photo credit: https://commons.wikimedia.org

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Union action following a wave of unfair dismissal at Heritage Café

Wednesday 28 February, the Montreal section of the Industrial Workers Union and Workers (SITT-IWW) started a picketing the distribution center Café Heritage, located at 5715 chemin Saint-Francois in St. Laurent. This post follows the returns of two workers, membres you SIT-IWW, for union. Several members had already called on Monday to serve the employer their dissatisfaction with this decision which goes completely against the most basic rights of workers'.

 

Friday 23 February, towards the end of his shift, Tessa Mascia has been convened in the office of Chief Executive Officer or she was fired unceremoniously. "The CEO gave me a letter and said that I was sent. I thought he was joking. He said no. He said it "simply coudn't", as if he were a teenager breaking with a friend from high school. "explains Tessa. The worker was nevertheless a good employee. She had one of the highest productivity among his colleagues and had been certified forklift. It's Monday 26 February Kyle Shaw Müller, another member of the union, was sent home without even seeing deliver a letter. He was called into the principal's office after he tried to convince his colleagues to ask the employer to cancel the dismissal of Tessa. "I knew I was putting myself in danger, but to be dismissed without warning for talking to someone from another returns? Mind-boggling. "

 

After numerous calls Monday, a picket and a meeting with the negotiators of the Union, the employer still refuses to reverse its decision illegal and thoughtless. The Industrial Union of Workers and Workers therefore called on not only to legal remedies, but the strength of all its membership (Canadian and international) for the employer to listen to reason.

 

The Industrial Union of Workers and Workers has several branches around the world including one in Montreal. Its members work today to build a union model based on solidarity of the working class. The Solidarity trade union is characterized aujourd & rsquo; hui by the direct struggle in workplaces, for example at Starbucks in the United States or Frite Alors! in Quebec, where working conditions improvements occurred even in the absence of a union certification. The Union is also involved in setting up the flash mob on networks in solidarity workplaces with workers victims of wage theft.

 

media Contact: Sylvain Mousseau 438-345-5046

In english.

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Return on Capital and Labor: class collaboration in the labor movement

Salaries, for workers of a society dominated by the liberal or neoliberal economics, have represented and never will represent nothing more than a fraction of the value of our work once the capital has taken its share of social production(1). The capital reserves this before hand to redistribute the rest to employees as compensation which will vary according to the criteria of the "labor market" that seeks to impose a market value to jobs and self-employment (and thereby to employees and self-employed worker) as if it were a commodity. Although safe capitalism, that works only if it is constantly growing, use this share to grow and enhance the capacity to appropriate an ever greater share of this social production, making it a wealth concentration system that leads to the results that we know : a ridiculous number of individuals sharing a huge chunk of wealth, private means of production and therefore decide the directions that take this production (power). the haves, in this economic doctrine, So get the share of labor not obtained by workers. Since a long time, unionism is presented as a means to remedy this situation. Today, for example in Quebec and Canada, the unions have acquired the means and a number of members that go far beyond what would have wished the workers' organizations of the past. However, it seems more than ever an unlikely transformation of the social organization of scale (revolution) from these entities. Why is that? here , I leave you with a part of a text that offers an answer to this question and come back with my views on the issue.

…………………
Capital and labor : class collaboration in the labor movement
by : Victor Levant (doctoral candidate in political science at McGill University), publishing spark, 1977

chapter V11 : the class character of the union "in good faith»
work organization was illegal in its infancy but was finally obliged to grant a "right
association "because of the revolt of the working class. The concept underlying the definition
legal union activity, however, was derived from the vision of the capitalist world and reflect the interests of
the capital class. This "right" was granted reluctantly, conditional and only after
watered down the essence of the labor movement : a political movement to fight for the emancipation of
Working in an economic movement to fight for higher wages and better conditions
working. This "right" was finally granted once the content of this legal activity (the goal,
the principles, the strategy and tactics of syndicalism) reduced to harmless state. It manages to blow
brute force, judicial repression, corruption and ideological mystification.
Our analysis will show that the "right" of association is the right to organize some
way, in the interests of capital, i.e. in order to ensure continuity of the current mode of production,
Consequently, the exploitation of labor.

The legal definition of the activities of bona fide union proved to be nothing more than
class collaboration in the form of "respect for the law and authority". This meant that the work
recognized the legitimacy of the state apparatus. It maintained its domination - domination
in the Criminal Code of Canada, the Civil Code of the Province of Quebec and the labor code
of Quebec, dominance also ensured by the class nature of governments, of bureaucracy, of the
courts, Police and army, alternately, legislate, run, consider and enforce
lois. The essence of this device, is the dominance, political domination of capital over labor.
The Criminal Code of Canada and the Civil Code of Québec ensure the exploitation of labor by
legalization of private appropriation of social production, maintain the current mode of production
by legitimizing the work contract and defend the existing social structure in prescribing any
transformation of the state apparatus that protects this structure.

The Quebec Labor Code ensures the domination of capital over labor by prohibiting the fight
militant mass, en régularisant, "Routinisant" and individualizing the class conflict; he rocks
partial integration of the union in the state apparatus in making the legally responsible
the application of the collective agreement, finally, it ensures the dissemination of liberal mythology
implicit in the capitalist code : equality of the employer and the employee ("Equal rights"), society
classless ("the public") and state above classes ("Equality before the law").
…………….

That said, observing the current situation, it is obvious that this description of unionism corresponds to that of the major unions in Quebec that fall into this category and watered toothless version of what we can not even call a labor movement. The filing of a single special act of the Liberal government enough to return to work thousands of workers in the construction voting es for the strike and, in the virtual absence of protest. Current Unions have become so integrated into the state apparatus, that the state no longer needs to call its repressive forces to enforce the rules that the government invents progressively to the detriment of the working class. The union elites have enough power on their members to enforce laws, the more harmful they may, for workers.

Revolutionary syndicalism must resume its place in the landscape trade because trade unionism "in good faith" (in good faith) current is not suited to fight neoliberalism has accepted or been forced to be regulated to acquire legal status as suggested by the author of capital and labor. It was also developed in a political context in which it was popular to want to build, all together and coughs, together, "Social democracy" that will benefit all and all without having to question the social structure and the state apparatus that protects (ideological mystification?). This revolutionary unionism must exert pressure that will intensify son years by issuing a credible critique of the current unionism by texts, actions and mobilization of employees in job areas forgotten by the current unionism (restoration, retail, troubleshooter, self-employed, Community etc.). It must also as with e Mapei and Canada Post employees support the union members of victims union practices in line of class collaboration. Short, he must push the unions to regain its essence : produce movement leading to the emancipation of labor to eliminate the dominance of holders of capital and means of production and also eliminate the domination of the state that defends the legal structures that allow the private appropriation of social production. This, rather than lead a strictly economic struggle to ensure that these proprietors are willing to accept to be more "generous" in the redistribution of social production over wages. That's why I consider syndicalism is more relevant than ever and that his positions, its principles and its actions, can make tracks for the reappropriation of work solution (power) by the world's workers.

 

X377208

(1) I mean social production, all work performed by a company considering that each economic sector, functions and activities
are interdependent including e.g. : student work(sharing, acquisition and improvement of knowledge), student internships, Household work, education of children, autonomous work, citizen participation etc..

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