Let's get to work !

The left has this long tradition consists in continually wonder " What make?». Since the day Lenyne posed this rhetorical question, it is central to all kinds of development theoretical and Dis calls to action social movements.

« What make ? "Travel and motion at movement, from crisis to crisis, and occasionally sheds light on les fundamental existential problems of the left. Following this tradition, the recent No. from AndCobin, «Rank and File», leaned on one of the most urgent issues the left contemporary: que made to resurrect the labor movement ?

Contributors and contributors have offered number of diagnoses and prescriptions. Charlie Post my l'The crucial role that the militant minority a played in the success of labor movements of the twentieth century ; Jane Mkalevey has called for all workers and all workers organize; Joe McCartin Urge trade unions has not miss the opportunity offered by the brief window between the decision Friedrichs and next attack on the right to collective agreement; et Sam Gindin at a "class left» as alternative to unionism social movement.

However, since the publication of these articles, the class crisis Workers did qu'accentuée; right now controls all three branches of the federal government of the United States and the majority of States. Following Friedrichs, « Janus v. AFSCME », is now in the Supreme Court, threatening to decimate the sect unionsur audience through tous United States. The rumor of a national law union spreads.

So, déterminer "That make ?» only become more urgent. But there, there is a problem on this issue, evident even first level of grammar : "What to do ? "Commits the cardinal sin of every teacher-e write : The passive voice ! Who is the subject in this issue ? Who will do what must be done ?

The absence of an active subject is much greater thata simple grammatical problem; it represents THE problem of GAUChe working. The militant minority is small, seee nonexistent, and it is not clear whether who is supposed to rebuild. A wide gap exists between the intellectual left and the working class in which she discusses.

Sadly, lare voices from the working class are scarces through personalities that dominate currently the discourse of the left. Most of the theorist-not-s-s-e from the left write indeed according to one perspective intellectuelle held beyond the working class rather than working men and women who are the same heart.

The decisions-makers, in which related to work, are often in kilometers dBe on the terra firma. The result is that we hear a lot more often talk about unions organizing workplaces that circles job who organize a union. The workers therefore find themselves in a position of object rather than that of the subject in their own organizations.

This alienation is manifested bya multitude of manners : The workers do not participate/plus meetings, are not ready or motivated e-s-e-s to strike, accept in concession agreements, and, as the recent elections in the United States demonstrated, express support for an alarming level towards e-s-candidate of the right.

Liberal Labor cutinDoes that these problems can be solved by small adjustments : Social media, media coalitions with community groups, targeted campaigns on particular government measure, and other small actions which have as common point of do not fundamentally change the structure of trade unions. The present situation, however, shows that this approach "band-aid"Failed miserably reverse the decline of the labor movement.

Furthermore, even thoughi she could do, she would not go far enough. Lhas left workers should not try to save the existing institutions working, but transform and build new. Our goal should cause les workers lworkers are are the subject rather than the object of their own organizations - and history.

Our prescription for the revival of the labor movement requires a new grammar. Instead of asking "What make ? », we ofvroins rather ask "What SHOULD I do ? »

It turns out that the right at least to half right :
nous we must stand up and find a job. Ensuite, we Devrions do what we tell the workers to constantly : Syndiquer our workplaces.

This tactic historically has a name. We call the «Salting», and she has been fundamental to
the establishment of the labor movement in the US.

Salt of the earth

The " Salting "Has deep roots in the labor movement and the left. this technique a portIt is more names : industrialization, industrial colonization, industrial concentration, or established, in France. Each terms means a more or less different application of the same idea : se have employed by a company for the sole purpose of organizing.

The Salting a frame and a supported all major upsurge of the labor movement of the twentieth century. In fact, there was a time when thishead approach was so fundamentally implanted in unionism she had not even name ; workers and workers guided–e–s by a radical ideology simply organizing their workplace, building the labor movement and everywhere they went they.

The Knights of Labor and the IWW were to their success to having attracted immigrant-e-s members and itinerant-e-s to radical politics then l’to bring with them in the factories. All these people were part ofu process salting and were organized, not just professional !

The IWW is well become a school for a generation of organizers and organizing, many of which joined other radical organizations and formed the CIO (Congress of Industrial Organizations) . Feeling the year of economic slumps 1920, these groups militants have kept living germ unionism radical, ready to s’hatch when the political climate the permettrbelonging to.

All famous general strikes 1934 - that of the teamsters de Minneapolis, that ofin Waterfront from San Francisco, and the Toledo Auto-Lite - Could take place through years of hard work of organization de based workplaces made by radical cells from male and female workers an array ofSocialist organizations.

These massive strikes catalyzed by militant minority They led at institutionalization workers movements portion of the National Labor Relation Act in 1935. Ironically, this institutionalization created contradictions which enabled a new wave of organization by the base decades later.

When the militant minority reappeared to the late 1960 eDoes early 1970, they and they had do not face juste employers, but also to unions were accustomed to act in partnership with companies rather than fight.

As the actions of the end of 19e century and early 20e century, the wave of strikes wild of the late 1960 and early 1970 began when workers brought theirs beliefs policies radicals at work. This time, there was no e-s-immigrant anarchists or socialist, but of activist-e-s for the rights of black-e-s, Student-e-s révolutionnaires and veterans freshly Income War Vietnam.

Especially in Detroit, deliberate organization which allowed spontaneous radicalization massive. Begun by student-e-s and radical workers deeply rooted–e–s in the black working class of the city, the League of Revolutionary Black Workers (LRBW), s’East organisIt is against racist hierarchy at work, in the highest levels of United Automobile Workers (UAW) but also in society as a whole.

While the city was still steaming from the great rebellion 1967 - A revolt of workers who a necessity 17 000 soldiers and 155,576 M1 ammunition cartridges repress - the LRBW has adopted as revolutionary strategy dActivate power of the working class noire at the heart of American industrial capitalism. The Saltingbecame soon a key weapon in its arsenal.

General Baker, one of the main activists of the organization, s'East so find a job in the main factory Dodge and s’est mys to organize. The 2 May 1968, his work wore fruit : a strike wild four thousand employee-s did close the plant in response toof the racist layoffs. The company countered with more racism ; Baker and twelve others workers lost their jobs for organizing this strike.

The automotive industry tried from to put Baker blacklisted and UAW has refused to defend the, him as colleagues. The used then a pseudomous to be employed at the plant Ford Rouge (the largest plant in the world at that time) and a quickly become President of the Local UAW.

The League wente forward to organize workers in the factories, hospitals, a UPS distribution center, the Detroit News, and throughout the city. She planned wildcat strikes, challenged the UAW for its anti-democratic and racist practices, protested against police brutality, obtained a exoneration for a worker who had killed two foremen, has arrived to dissolve a gang unit of racist police, built a bridge with the class average and Local white working through a book club was very popular, created a publishing house, a library, a printing shop and produced a documentary about his work.

This whole series of successes has been possible thanks to the complementary relationship between the radical and the radicals who found-e-s work in order to organize it and those who organized their workplace after make radicalize - whether on the street or at work. the achievements the LRBW, followed by a wave of wildcat strikes in the early 70 and the perception that social movements years 60 had reached their limits, has inspired a generation of radicals and radical to turn to the working class.

**A text imposing section has been removed here. However, you can view the full in its original English version right here, from the subtitle The Turn to the Working Class.

A Working class hero is something to be..

Since the election of Donald Trump, thousands of people in the United States have rushed to the left in response to the organizations reality dystopienne in which this country is sinking. These persons rush by asking "that two-I do ? »

Anti movement Trump quickly got to the direct action of economic disruption : A women's march, a taxi strike, a strike bodegas (grocery stores new–York), strike-surprise of the high-tech sector, and now calls for general strike. This can only happen, however, without a massive organization sector from production. To climb the ladder to victory, it is necessary bring our political work.

Turning back to their work environment is the logical step for all the people who have turned to the socialism during the past year. Theeverything offers a significant gateway and accessible to militancy, because most of usWHERE MEMBER sell our labor power to live. It is mainly theis millénaux who face a historic decline in mobility social. Although we did not sought to class struggle, class struggle came search for US.

The Salting may cause eliminate gap between the intellectual left and the working class from meeting directlyr the workers and where they are : au work. Contrary to the factJoin a traditional union, to find a job in a non-agency governmental, to take time out of our work to campaign, or at undertake higher studies, the organization of workplaces is immediately accessible to all people of the working class and does not require money d’a bureaucracy that could also be recovered against us or dissolved in a few years.

While encouraging the severything should be the least of it for any union, the current generation of union leaders may not be keen to opt for this strategy, mostly because the Republican Congress is already trying to ensure that this practice becomes illegal.

The workers left will lead the fight. We should coordinate our actions to focus on employers and key sectors are acquire jobs would build our movement, ideally in positions that minimize the distance between the organizers and the people who are organizing. Or soyons of hero of the working class and we find jobs in sectors or our actions PourronDoes having a disproportionate impact as that of the logistics.

If this happens, a large-scale shift to practice Salting could transform the labor movement and the left by putting the working class at the center. Theeverything is the strategy by which the radical working class took shape and could well be that by which she will be reborn.

We say to men and women workers to organize for decades. It is now time that the workers left to put into practice his own advice. We know what needs to be done : tRouvez you employment and let's get to work.

Erik Forman